Happy New Year!

The Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication welcomes all our students back in 2022! A new year brings fresh starts and hopes for many.

This year we warmly welcome IPDGC’s new director, Dr. William Youmans. Dr. Youmans is an associate professor at the George Washington University’s School of Media and Public Affairs. His area of expertise is media law and global communications, Middle Eastern politics and society; social movements, and Arab-American studies. More information on Dr. Youmans can be found here.

Through the hybrid work environment of 2021, IPDGC was able to organize virtual events such as the Walter Roberts Endowment Annual Lecture, present the 2021 Award for Congressional Leadership in Public Diplomacy, and host a Distinguished Humphrey Fellowship program for 15 media professionals from Eastern and Central Europe.

We look forward to more connections made with students, young professionals, and others interested in the fields of public diplomacy and global communication. In 2022, we will plan for more innovative events to support academic excellence in these fields. If you would like to know more about our past activities, please go here.

And PDx is back for a new season!

Our podcast kicks off with a new interviewer, graduate student Adeniyi Funsho, and an interview about Diversity and Inclusion in International Affairs.

The latest season of PDx is back!

PDx Interviewer Adeniyi Funsho, MA Media and Strategic Communications ’22

This season, our interviewer is Adeniyi Funsho, a graduate in the Media and Strategic Communications program at the School of Media and Public Affairs.

PDx – or Public Diplomacy Examined – is where we speak to the doers and thinkers in public diplomacy: the foreign service experts, the exchanges specialists, the academic observers and the supporters of international engagement and global communications.

This first podcast is with Professor Jonathan M. Walker, Senior Assistant Dean for Student Services, and Diversity, Equity and Inclusion at the GW Elliott School of International Affairs.

Professor Jonathan M. Walker,
GW Elliott School

In this conversation, Prof. Walker talks about the benefits of fixing the higher education system that would better serve underrepresented populations, and how diversity and inclusion will improve academic study and develop the professionals needed in the current world of International Affairs.

Please do enjoy the conversation >LISTEN HERE

Students walking past bust of George Washington and sign for GW University

Welcome Back, Students!

IPDGC is happy to welcome the new graduate students joining our cohort in the MA program in Global Communications at the Elliott School for International Affairs. There is much to learn, experience, and explore while you are on your graduate journey.

IPDGC’s Smart Power blog is a platform where you can share some of your academic and professional views. Please do let us know (at ipdgc@gwu.edu) if you would like to contribute to the blog or the Public Diplomacy Examined podcast.

We look forward to an inspired Fall 2021. #RaiseHigh!

The Kashmir Standstill and Conflicting Identity Narratives

By Kayla Malcy, MA International Affairs, 2022

The conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir has existed since partition in 1947. Kashmir has precipitated 2 of the 3 Indo-Pakistani wars and a slew of militant groups and attacks on both sides of the line of control. Alongside the physical violence of the Kashmir conflict, there has been a clear formation of national narratives to suit each country’s objectives. If India and Pakistan plan to move towards sustained peace, they will have to reconcile their opposing identity narratives and repair their relationships with the Kashmiri people.

 The conflict explained

The disputed area of Kashmir

           The partition of British India placed Kashmir in a nearly impossible position. While the Maharaja of Kashmir, part of the Hindu minority ruling a Muslim majority, wished for independence, both India and Pakistan wanted Kashmir within their own borders. The Maharaja agreed to join the Indian state in exchange for protection from Pakistani forces, instigating the first Indo-Pakistani war as well as the cascade of conflicts that followed. The current line of control divides the Kashmiri territory into Indian administered Kashmir and Pakistan administered Kashmir.

Rising tensions

           With talks coming to a standstill in 2016, Kashmir has seen a marked increase in violent conflict. Attacks by militant groups against the Indian military were seen in both 2017 and 2018. Indian security forces clashed with both militants and demonstrators. An attack on an Indian Army convoy by the terrorist group Jaish-e-Mohammad, associated with the Pakistani Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI), killed 40 soldiers in February of 2019 reigniting the prolonged conflict between India and Pakistan.

In August 2019, India moved thousands of troops into Kashmir. The Indian government then revoked Article 370, which gave Jammu and Kashmir its partial autonomy and statehood, and 35A, which provided residents privileges such as land ownership. Cellular and landline services were shut down to all of Kashmir and India imposed the longest ever internet shut down in a democracy.

Pakistani National Identity Narratives

Pakistan’s founding identity as a safe haven for Muslims reinforces the sentiment that Kashmir, with a population roughly 60% Muslim, belongs with it. Arguments over the meaning of Pakistan’s name also contribute to its identity. In Pakistan’s official language of Urdu, ‘Pak’ means pure. ‘Pak’ then combined with ‘-stan’ forms the meaning of ‘the land abounding in the pure’ or as it is often translated, ‘the land of the pure’. An alternate reading of Pakistan’s name is as an acronym for the four northern states of former British India: Punjab, Afghania, Kashmir, and Sindh. In both cases, the retention of Kashmiri territory is critical to the Pakistani national identity.

A large facet of both the Pakistani and Indian identity narratives is opposition to the enemy. For Pakistan, riling up anti-Indian sentiment can distract from other political issues. In their view, India is a tyrant abusing the Muslim Kashmiris, which Pakistan, as a Muslim country, has the duty to protect. Additionally, the idea that India has never fully accepted partition and is simply waiting to take Pakistan back is thrown out to heighten Pakistani feelings of defensiveness.

Indian National Identity Narratives

India’s population is majority Hindu and while the Indian constitution guarantees freedom of religion, the governing party, the BJP, is Hindu nationalist at its core. These ideals and the construction of Muslims as ‘the other’ puts Indian national identity in direct opposition to Pakistani national identity.  India takes enormous pride in being world’s largest democracy. This narrative of democratic idealism has often shielded India from criticism among western powers. Another aspect of Indian identity is self-reliance which can be traced back to Gandhi. Even today PM Modi’s platform contains five pillars of self-reliance.

            Just as Pakistani politicians use anti-Indian sentiment, Indian politicians use the same tactic of riling up anti-Pakistan sentiment in order to distract from other political issues. In fact, 2019 Pew Research surveys show that 76% of Indian’s see Pakistan as a threat; only 7% do not view Pakistan as a threat. Claims of Pakistani sponsored violence in Kashmir never fail to anger the populace of India and redirect attention from other issues. India sees itself as the rightful heir to Kashmir due to the Hindu Maharaja’s decision to join India. India focuses in on this claim in their attempts to delegitimize Pakistani claims to Kashmir.

Battle of the Narratives

These conflicting identity narratives play out in Kashmir, especially the religious ones. Pakistani claims that India’s recent actions are proof of India targeting Muslim populations in Kashmir and stripping them of their rights. India claims that Pakistan is a hotbed for Islamic terrorism and is directly responsible for militant attacks against Indian security forces in Kashmir. Calling out the other’s actions in this way only serves to increase blame and widen the gap in dialogue.

The weight of both narratives changed with the 2019 events and the release of the 2019 UNHCR report on Kashmir, which concerned abuses by security forces on both sides of the line of control. With the repeal of Article 370 and subsequent shutdown of internet services and Kashmir lock down, India has lost some of the legitimacy its democratic narrative carried before. Revoking Article 35A has also caused concerns that the BJP is attempting to change the religious demographics of Kashmir by opening up property ownership to the non-Kashmiri Hindu majority in India. These actions coupled with recent announcement of India’s democratic backsliding further solidified the Pakistani narrative of an unjust India with no respect for Muslims as an occupational force, not a rightful ruler.

While opinions within Kashmir remain divided as to whom Kashmir belongs, if anyone at all, movements to reinstate Article 370 and, alternatively, to separate from India continue in Kashmir. The Indian and Pakistani focus on messaging to the opposing government has long sidelined the Kashmiri people leaving their voices unheard. If any progress is to be made both India and Pakistan will need to address, at a minimum, the aspects of their identity narratives based on the fear of the other.

For a detailed analysis by the author on the subject, Click Here.

The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author. They do not express the views of the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or the George Washington University. 

Main photo: Authorities clash with demonstrators, provided by Kashmir Global

Statehood for Puerto Rico

By Jowen H. Ortiz Cintrón, MA Media and Strategic Communication, 2022

Three Things that statehooders should fix in their narrative

Puerto Rico is not legally a country but is the longest-standing colony in the world that has its own culture and national identity. Since 1898, it’s been a territory of the United States, as little has been done to change that at a federal level.

After plebiscites where Puerto Ricans asked for statehood, the New Progressive Party has built a narrative where Puerto Ricans have called on the United States, the banner of democracy, to allow Puerto Rico to join the United States as a state. They have appealed to the Republican’s patriotic sense, recalling the service of Puerto Ricans in the military and contributions to the victories and defense of the U.S.. For Democrats, they mention the commitment that the United States maintains with human rights, reminding them that respecting the democratic rights of Puerto Ricans is part of the human rights that the United States must defend. 

While those factors are true, their narrative has big flaws that makes it difficult to garner support behind the cause from both sides of the aisle. Here are three aspects of the pro-statehood narrative that must repaired for a successful pro-statehood campaign.  

  1. The claim: Puerto Ricans have democratically chosen statehood
Resident Commissioner Jenniffer González present the results of the 2020 plebiscite and ask Congress to consider statehood for Puerto Rico.

One important aspect of the pro-statehood narrative is that Puerto Ricans have asked for statehood in different plebiscites (2012, 2017, 2020). In those three democratic exercises, statehood has won the popular vote. In 2012, statehood won with 61%; in 2017, with 97.18%; and in 2020, with 52%. While it does seem like statehood enjoys wide support in Puerto Rico, the plebiscites have been ridden with controversy over the way the choices were phrased, and over the lack of participation.

This has led politicians, like Ocasio-Cortez and Velázquez, to not trust the results, because they question if it is truly democratic to let less than half of the population decide the future of an Island. In this way, questions are raised as to whether statehood is actually the desire of Puerto Ricans.

By not correctly acknowledging the lack of participation in the democratic process, the promoters of Statehood have allowed a narrative to be drawn where the low participation is attributed to a decline in support for statehood. This has distanced highly valued progressive Democratic voices from supporting statehood projects, and they have preferred to present the Self-Determination Act.

  1. The Messengers: NPP’s history of fraud and corruption

The supporters of statehood in Puerto Rico are aligned with the New Progressive Party (NPP). The party proved to be a political force. However, in recent years, support for the party has waned.

The history of corruption the party carries is a reason for the loss of support. The party has been marked by arrests of mayors, representatives, senators, heads of agencies, and other public employees accused and convicted of embezzlement, theft, and corruption of power. During the four years from 2016 to 2020, after Hurricane María and other crises in Puerto Rico, then-Governor Ricardo Rosselló was forced by the people to resign due to a large number of cases of corruption and nefarious handling of the country’s public funds and recovery aid, worsening the crisis that Puerto Ricans are experiencing, among other reasons.


Jorge de Castro Font is a former NPP senator arrested in 2008 on charges of fraud and conspiracy. The following year he pleaded guilty to 21 counts. He was sentenced in 2011. Source: Primera Hora

“Public corruption poses a threat to our democratic institutions and erodes trust in government.” 

– US Attorney Stephen W. Muldrow about corruption in Puerto Rico.

The corruption and the great public debt of the archipelago have given Puerto Rican politicians a bad name at the federal level, in which it is questioned what could be the value of such a corrupt country to the democracy of the United States. This thought is shared by members of the Republican party mainlywho strongly oppose statehood for Puerto Rico3.

  1. Opposed Narratives: “More federal funds for Puerto Ricans”

A campaign promise by everyone running for office in the NPP is that, with Puerto Rico being a state, citizens would have access to more federal aid.

Tweet motivating Puerto Ricans to vote yes for statehood promising more federal funds for Puerto Rico. Source: Pedro Pierslui/ Twitter

During the recent natural disaster crises in Puerto Rico, Governor Pierluisi, Resident Commissioner González and other statehood allies in Congress, have emphasized the importance of helping the American citizens on the island with statehood and more federal funds for education, Medicaid and crisis relief expenses.

While this narrative resides in the hope of appealing to the Democratic base, it further alienates Republicans. Publicly building a narrative in favor of increased federal funding has caused the “welfare queen” narrative to take a new angle against Puerto Rico and statehood. It had demonized the idea behind delivering more help to Puerto Ricans. Given the island’s history of embezzlement and poverty, Republicans have identified the island as a monetary burden and have repeatedly opposed the idea of ​​giving more funds to the island

The call to solve Puerto Rico’s status situation has been long and overdue. To solve it, political leaders should present a narrative strong enough to appeal to United States’ politicians. Nonetheless, the supporters of statehood haven’t been able to build a cohesive narrative that delivers a proper claim, with a credible messenger, and that coexists with the narratives of the United States. The narrative fails to appeal to Democrats and Republicans alike, creating riffs in what is supposed to be a human rights decision. 

For a detailed analysis by the author on the subject, Click Here.

The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author. They do not express the views of the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or the George Washington University. 

ICC Probe Investigating Israel: The Divergent Narratives Within

By Basil Awartani, M.A. Media & Strategic Communication, 2021

Two years ago, International Criminal Court prosecutor Fatou Bensouda announced that the court had uncovered evidence of war crimes committed in the West Bank and Gaza by Israel. Based on these initial findings, Bensouda called for a thorough investigation into the incidents. Initially this process was delayed when the Israeli government challenged the ICC’s jurisdiction over the matter, arguing that the court does not have the authority to make such a ruling in the Palestinian Territories, which do not qualify as a sovereign state. In early February, 2021, this objection was overruled, clearing the way for the Hague chief prosecutor to open the war crimes probe. This announcement triggered backlash from Israeli officials who argued that the ruling was an attack on Israeli sovereignty but was welcomed by Palestinians hoping to hold Israel accountable in criminal court.

The competing strategic narratives put forward by Israeli and Palestinian leaderships play a critical role in shaping both policy and media response to the ICC probe. Strategic narratives are a means for political actors to construct a shared meaning of the past, present, and future to shape the behavior of domestic and international actors. Another important element in interpreting events through the lens of a particular narrative is framing. According to Robert M. Entman “To frame is to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem, definitional, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and/or treatment.”

I use Entman’s model to illustrate Israel and Palestine’s divergent strategic narratives regarding the ICC probe which is critical to understanding their respective positions on the issue. Further, Entman’s framing model is also essential for understanding the ideological and strategic underpinning of Israel’s stance, which it maintains even in the face of substantial evidence. Entman’s model has four moves: problem, cause, evaluation, and solution.  Depending on one’s narrative, different elements are assigned to each move as illustrated in the example below.

Palestinian Narrative

In a statement, the Palestinian Authority’s foreign ministry welcomed the ICC investigation and considered it a “long-awaited step that serves Palestine’s tireless pursuit of justice and accountability.” Hamas, a Gaza-based militant group, also welcomed the decision, though they, too, are under investigation. Overall, the ICC investigation is consistent with the Palestinian narrative and is considered part of the solution.

ProblemCauseEvaluationSolution
Israeli human rights abusesMilitary occupation and a culture of impunityAn independent ICC investigation is a step-forward towards justiceAccountability through the ICC

Israel/Netanyahu’s Narrative

Legal ramifications aside, the ICC probe cuts deep through one of Israel’s primary identity narratives which holds that they are a humane actor in this conflict, defending themselves against unprovoked aggression. To accept the ICC probe in any shape or form would cause dissonance within many of Israel’s narratives.

ProblemCauseEvaluationSolution
ICC probeAntisemitism/unfairly singling out Israel   Palestinians politicizing the courtPalestinian Authority is not a state   Israel is not a member of the court.   The probe is an affront to Israeli sovereignty. Not cooperate with the ICC, fight the decision.

This chart demonstrates how Israel’s framing of the ICC probe reinforces its own narrative. The Israeli government has different channels/messengers to disseminate and re-enforce such state narratives. One of its chief messengers is Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

“The court established to prevent atrocities like the Nazi Holocaust against the Jewish people is now targeting the one state of the Jewish people.”

-Bibi Netanyahu

By tying the ICC to the horrors of the Holocaust, Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu invokes one of the key events shaping Israel’s master narratives. He condemns the ICC probe, calling it “undiluted antisemitism” and vows to fight the decision. By invoking such an emotional frame Netanyahu not only targets foreign publics but also domestic Israeli audiences, framing himself as the protector of Israel against a hostile world.

The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, on the other hand, tackles the issue using a legal framework, citing the fact that Israel is not a member of the court and that the Palestinian Authority is not a state to de-legitimize the probe. This defense differs from the former (Netanyahu’s) because it acknowledges that the emotional frame is not itself enough to defend against a robust legal argument. The two approaches have different purposes but intersect over the issue of Israel’s right to a state and state sovereignty. 

Dissonance between the US and Israeli master-narratives.

In May 2020 the Trump administration warned the ICC against asserting jurisdiction over Israel, saying the US will “exact consequences” for any “illegitimate” investigations. This threat materialized in September 2020 when the Trump administration sanctioned ICC senior officials including chief prosecutor Fatou Bensouda, accusing the court of “illegitimate attempts” to subject Americans to its jurisdiction. The US has traditionally treated Israel as a strategic partner, aligning itself with the narrative that frames Israel as a victim rather than an aggressor. 

The Biden administration inherited this issue and maintains Trump’s opposition to the ICC probe into Israeli actions in the West Bank and Gaza. Unlike the Trump administration, however, current U.S. President Joe Biden has vowed to make human rights and multilateralism central to his approach to international affairs. This stance made it difficult for the Biden administration to oppose the ICC as aggressively as Trump because sanctioning a court responsible for investigating human rights abuses is inconsistent with the US identity narrative that promotes human rights as a pillar of U.S. foreign policy.

Biden’s Dilemma

The existence of two contradictory narratives presents a challenge for the Biden administration. While the US has framed itself as an ally of Israel committed to upholding the country’s sovereignty, it does not want to appear as if it is coercing an international court to not investigate human rights abuses. For the time being, Biden tries to take a middle road, publishing a press release opposing the ICC investigation but ending the Trump era sanctions against the ICC.

In the end, the case of the ICC probe leaves the Biden administration trying to reconcile policy that is not inconsistent with its current identity narrative. As the State Department stated in its announcement ending sanctions against ICC personnel, “We believe…that our concerns about these cases would be addressed through engagement with all stakeholders in the ICC process rather than through the imposition of sanctions.”          

For a detailed analysis by the author on the subject, Click Here.

The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author. They do not express the views of the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or the George Washington University. 

U.S. Pro-Democracy Narratives on Bolivian Coup are Heavily Contested Due to Their Anti-Democratic Results

By Ben Gutman, MA Global Communication ’22

Throughout the Cold War, U.S. presidential administrations and other federal departments weaponized the idea of anti-communism to dominate media frames and discourage dissent. U.S. government officials have successfully employed a “spread of democracy” frame to justify proxy wars, covert intervention, and regime change against leftist Latin American governments with developing democratic processes. This frame has facilitated the projection of the U.S. master narratives of American exceptionalism and free-market capitalist individualism onto other sovereign nations.

Entman’s Cascading Activation Model

One useful way of understanding narrative contests is Entman’s Cascading Activation Model, which describes how government frames are pushed down to other elites, news organizations, and the public. Entman uses the real-world cascading waterfall metaphor to highlight the hierarchical stratification of the cascade, which makes it easier to spread frames down the cascade rather than up.  

Following the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 and an increase in U.S. interventionism in the Middle East, the U.S. paid less attention to Latin America. This allowed many Latin American countries like Bolivia to develop their democratic political systems. The strengthening of Bolivian representative democracy was highlighted by President Evo Morales’ creation of the Plurinational state in 2009, which guaranteed political representation to all indigenous Bolivians. A relatively healthy democratic process in a socialist state with control of valuable natural resources like Bolivia, presented multiple narrative contestation problems throughout the U.S. government’s quest for regime change, despite access to elite institutions used to spread its frame of choice: election fraud. 

Narrative used to justify U.S-backed coup in Bolivia met with undeniable contestation

First, the U.S. state narrative found pervasive contestation through informational content produced by academics, progressive journalists, and non-profit organizations within the Western and Bolivian media ecology. On Oct 20, 2019, the U.S. proxy Organization of American States (OAS) issued a report alleging “intentional manipulations” and “serious irregularities” in the Bolivian presidential election of Evo Morales.

Screenshot of the misinformation that fueled the 2019 coup

These claims were immediately debunked and repeatedly proven to be a false narrative designed to endorse an anti-democratic seizure of power. The election fraud narrative was in congruence with mainstream media motivation and uncritically re-published by the New York Times. On Nov 10, 2019, Jeanine Áñez’ white supremacist, Christian neo-fascist dictatorship took power in a military junta.

Second, despite U.S. domination over Western media infrastructure, viral social media content of violent government oppression contested the pro-democracy U.S. narrative. Throughout eleven months of economic mismanagement, extreme corruption, and brutal repression against indigenous protesters resulting in dozens of extrajudicial murders, the U.S. state narrative grew less and less compelling. However, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo continued to voice strong support for the military coup and the “return of democracy”, the OAS continued to deny its involvement, and Western mainstream media continued to whitewash the Áñez regime’s crimes.

While the messaging campaign was successful in its short-term regime change goals, it was unsuccessful in its impact on Bolivian public opinion and international solidarity with the Bolivian people. Mass public uprisings and grassroots worker movements forced new elections and on Oct 18, 2020 another socialist, Luis Arce, was elected.

Continued pro-coup regime narrative hampers Bolivian drive towards justice

Despite frame contestation from influential voices in the Western media ecology and emotional-triggering online content displaying the coup regime’s savagery, the vast majority of mainstream publications continued to reinforce a damaged and hypocritical pro-democracy U.S. narrative. On March 13, 2021, Bolivian authorities arrested Áñez and charged the coup leader with terrorism and sedition, the same charges previously levied by Áñez against former president Morales. Two days later, the OAS released a statement expressing concern “about the abuse of judicial mechanisms” as a “repressive instrument of the ruling party”.

This narrative of “rule-breaking” and “revenge”, revolving around the Áñez arrest, functioned as another anti-democratic assault against an elected socialist government and its ability to exercise sovereign control over its rule of law. On March 18 the Washington Post Editorial Board wrote that “Mr. Arce appears to have reverted to a more one-sided and vengeful leadership style characteristic of Mr. Morales” and referred to Áñez as the “conservative then-interim president”.

A March 15 CNN analysis mentions the invalidation of the 2019 election results, but fails to include any reference to the invalidation of the report used to invalidate the election results. The article continues with a section titled “vague charges” that characterizes the charges against Áñez as “broad” with “proof scant”. However, an Áñez decree that gave immunity to all deployed military personnel culminated in the massacre of more than thirty protesters, in addition to a plethora of other human rights abuses.

The blatant dishonesty and bad faith framing from mainstream media sources on Bolivia is rooted in the U.S. government and OAS’s persistent use of the same pro-democracy narratives that yield anti-democratic results. The OAS has never admitted to its role in the 2019 coup, has never apologized to the Bolivian people, and has even continued to spread misinformation on the Bolivian political process. Unfortunately, Biden’s State Department under Secretary of State Antony Blinken has continued to weaponize the U.S. master narratives of “democracy” and “human rights” to persecute a perceived hostile government for its role in attempting to deliver justice for the victims of the coup’s violent crackdown.

Recommendation

The Biden administration’s State Department should stop reinforcing a heavily contested framing of the Áñez arrest as a human rights and due process issue. This frame has cascaded to mainstream media, which continued an unconvincing pro-coup regime narrative. This narrative violates the Arce government’s sovereign democratic right to prosecute Áñez in accordance with Bolivian law and helps deny Áñez’ victims justice, but also adds to an increasing resentment from Latin Americans towards “pro-democracy” US interventionism.

The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author. They do not express the views of the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or the George Washington University.

Re-Constructing Democratic Narratives to Foster Pro-Israel Support in the U.S.

By Nikki Hinshaw, M.A. Global Communication, ’22

Narrative Challenge: Anti-Israel Sentiment [1] in the United States

Growing anti-Israel sentiment has appeared globally, including in the United States, over the past few years. While the roots of such sentiment span as far back as the beginning of the Jewish state and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, more recent controversial domestic policy decisions in Israel such as settlement operations in the West Bank have further exacerbated the issue.

This escalation of anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S. can be found in political platforms and leaders that advocate for anti-Israel boycotts and sanctions, but also through the changing opinions of everyday Americans.

Pew polling[2] detailed in the graphs on the right reveals the extent to which American publics demonstrate diminishing support for Israel. While Republicans have steadily grown their support following 9/11, Democratsand especially the more liberal segments of the partyhave consistently reported lower rates of sympathy and support.

Also of note is that more than 50 percent of American Jewswho serve as significant targets for Israeli public diplomacy effortsidentify with more liberal segments of U.S. politics. Furthermore, the more progressive side of U.S. Democratic politics comprises nearly 50 percent of the party, with a large portion of that camp being young, white college students. This data showcases the segments of American society with which Israel’s existing narrative framework is ineffective. It is within these same segments of society where domestic U.S. narratives are waning as well.

Narrative Contestation in the U.S. and Israel

The U.S. and Israel are connected not only through shared geopolitical concerns in the Middle East region, but also through shared identityor masternarratives, which connect citizens of a nation under a set of deep-rooted values and characteristics that have been consistently reiterated over time. Both the Israel and the U.S. view themselves as narrative heroes who overcame exceptional obstacles, persecution and occupation only to create flourishing, liberal democracies that serve as international beacons of democratic values and human rights. These narratives have been crafted through historical examples such as the U.S.’s triumph over British rule in the American Revolution, or the creation of the Jewish state following devastating persecution of the Jewish people through the Holocaust.

However, in the modern day, these narratives have become less salient. In order for narratives to be widely accepted, they must be convincing, appealing, and genuine. When narratives fail to encompass these aspects, they can be contested. At the root of Israeli and U.S. identity narrative contestation is epistemological contestation, meaning that the way in which the world has come to understand the situations underlying their narratives is incongruent with the narratives they provide.

For example, within the U.S., the narrative of American exceptionalism drives a vision of the nation as a global leader that holds unique, aspirational, and liberal values. However, the recent Capitol riots, coupled with a summer of protests for civil rights, were seen as evidence of the failure of American democracy by domestic and foreign audiences alike.

As demonstrated through the aforementioned polling on American support for Israel, the view of Israel as a liberal, democratic leader has also diminished, especially through its treatment of the Palestinians and global image as an occupying power. The declining support for Israeli and U.S. master narratives indicate a need for new or altered narratives in both nations; a shared need that could prove useful in Israel’s mission to combat anti-Israel sentiment.

Re-Constructing Democratic Narratives

To garner support across the United States, Israel can capitalize upon recent U.S. reckonings with democratic freedoms and civil rights and lean into shared narratives of the complicated and ongoing process of managing a diverse, democratic state.

As the United States is experiencing similar challenges with leading as an idealistic, Democratic state globally while great injustice occurs at home, Israel should work alongside the U.S. in redefining their democratic identity narratives to reflect the idea of the “great democratic experiment.” This entails the two nations reaffirming their commitments to such values while acknowledging the constant evolution a democratic state must undergo to best uphold those associated values, which is a timely challenge in both countries. In making this change, they will project a narrative that has stronger epistemological congruency than existing identity narratives – such as American exceptionalism – that outright reject any valid criticism of evident anti-Democratic political and social challenges.

Educational Exchange as Narrative Re-Construction

Israel engaging in this narrative re-construction alongside the U.S. serves to illuminate any hypocrisies American publics project when criticizing Israeli actions, as it prompts reflection on the social and political challenges the U.S. experiences itself, especially considering its legacy of racism and slavery. In order to advance this re-construction, I propose further investment into educational exchange programs between Israeli and American youth focused on topics such as democracy, human rights, protest, and more. Such programs can both target the segment of the U.S. population who espouse strong anti-Israel sentiment; young, liberal, college-aged students, and also connect young activists in both nations who are not ignorant to the challenges their nations face, but who are committed to helping their nations reach aspirational democratic goals. 

Encouraging open, honest conversation about Israel, what it means to live in a democracy, and the challenges and benefits to such a system will introduce the U.S. and the rest of the world to a new narrative of Israel that is consistent with the complex conditions of its role in the international system today.   

For a detailed analysis by the author on the subject, Click Here.


[1] Anti-Israel sentiment is defined in accordance with the Anti-Defamation League, referring to both legitimate and illegitimate criticism of Israel, the Israeli government, and its policies: https://www.adl.org/resources/tools-and-strategies/what-is-anti-israel-anti-semitic-anti-zionist

[2] Pew Research Center bears no responsibility for the analyses or interpretations of the data presented here. The opinions expressed herein, including any implications for policy, are those of the author and not of Pew Research Center.


The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author. They do not express the views of the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or the George Washington University.

Lack of Humane Immigration Policy Limits Legitimacy in U.S. Public Diplomacy

By Benjamin Gutman, MA Global Communication ’22

It’s three weeks after the U.S. presidential election and policy analysts in every field are scrambling to give experts and the general public alike optimism regarding the future under a new administration. This is particularly true when it comes to immigration. Lawyers, judges, and policy advocates pushing for immigration reform find themselves at the culmination of a long fight against a brutally discriminatory U.S. immigration apparatus. Violent human rights abuses against immigrants have not only resulted in death and trauma on U.S. soil, but also lasting damage to U.S. legitimacy abroad. Looking forward, advocates for immigrant justice are struggling to convey hope to an increasingly hopeless community. 

Current Analysis from the Non-Profit Sector

            There is a clear consensus among progressive immigration policy analysts that the Trump administration has engaged in a brazen, regressive, and often illegal anti-immigrant campaign which has resulted in widespread human rights violations. Trump’s “Remain in Mexico” policy, effectively upheld by a conservative-controlled Supreme Court, infringes on the legal right of asylum-seekers to find refuge in the United States, putting tens of thousands of immigrants at risk of violence in dangerous border encampments. The “Zero-Tolerance” policy implemented in 2018 instructed U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) agents to separate children from their families to facilitate federal criminal prosecutions, leaving nearly 3,000 children detained without their parents. Even as Trump’s lame duck period unfolds, his administration is moving rapidly to implement harmful regulations designed to eviscerate the asylum system and inch baseline protections months, if not years, away from restoration. 

            However, questions remain as to the extent to which the Biden administration will prioritize immigration policy, especially in the likely event of a divided Congress. Biden has pledged a 100-day moratorium on removal of undocumented immigrants and a change in U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) arrest and detention priorities. According to the campaign website, the Biden-Harris administration will end prolonged detention and invest in an upgraded non-profit case management program to support migrants awaiting court hearings through monitored check-ins rather than forced internment. However, absent from the plan are details regarding whether case management will replace detention for all migrants or only targeted groups like families and unaccompanied minors. Other pledges include the protection of 800,000 DACA holders and an executive order reversing the Muslim travel ban. 

While these commitments promise to move the needle back to the Obama-era status quo, many question whether this will, in fact, bring a sense of humanity to a system built on dehumanizing practices. After all, the Obama administration deported more immigrants than than any other presidential administration, condoned long term detention of migrant families, and housed migrant children in temporary camps on military bases. While the administration eventually replaced many of these practices, voluntarily or under court order, the Biden administration cannot afford a time lag when it comes to correcting the human rights abuses of past administrations .  

Analysts remain concerned that slow progress and a lack of ambitious, comprehensive immigration reform could result in continued racial targeting of the immigrant community. Central to this concern lies the U.S. government’s continuous violation of international human rights agreements, specifically the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Refugee Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees. In 1981, Ronald Reagan directed the U.S. Coast Guard to intercept asylum-seeking Haitian migrants found outside U.S. territorial waters and return them to Haiti. In 1992, George H. W. Bush issued an executive order allowing the U.S. Coast Guard to repatriate all Haitian migrants without the possibility of applying for asylum. In July 2014, the United States, facing a surge in child migrants arriving from Central America, pressured the Mexican government to implement “Programa Frontera Sur”. This program violated the principle of non-refoulement or the prohibition of returning a refugee to a territory in which his or her life and/or freedom is threatened. The US, which helped finance Programa Frontera Sur, is responsible for aiding and abetting Mexico’s refoulement violations.

In March 2020, the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), in coordination with the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), shut down the border for all non-essential travelers including asylum-seekers. The Trump Administration has used this as an excuse to expel over 150,000 migrants (9,000 unaccompanied minors), many of whom remain in Mexico under constant threat of kidnapping, assault, and infection in border slums. President-elect Biden seeks to end the “Remain in Mexico” policy and send asylum officers to the border. These asylum officers are more likely to conduct legitimate credible fear assessments than have immigration enforcement officials, thereby allowing more asylum seekers into the U.S. 

However, in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic, Biden has yet to firmly commit to allowing all asylum seekers who demonstrate credible fear back into the US to await asylum determination hearings without penalty or forced detention, as mandated by Article 31 of the 1951 UN Convention and the Refugee Act of 1980. Failure to do so would give legitimacy to the CDC and DHS’s weaponizing of the coronavirus to shut land borders (not tourists arriving by plane or ship), expel asylum seekers, and in the process, fail to further protect public health. The CDC justifies this order through health risks in “congregate settings” of CBP border detentions, but fails to consider paroling asylum seekers, addressing health crises in hundreds of overcrowded detention facilities, or the damaging chain-affect on public health of deporting infected immigrants back to Central America.   

Restoring U.S. Legitimacy in Public Diplomacy

Critical to the United States’ restoration of its legitimacy as a defender of democracy, rule of law, and human rights is its response to four years of continuous racism and violence against the people that make America unique — immigrants. A gradual roll-back of Trump-era immigration policies may not be enough to restore the United State’s coveted reputation as the global defender against tyranny and authoritarianism. Egregious violations of human rights including the “Remain in Mexico” policy, the mass detention of immigrants in COVID-infested prisons, and non-refoulement violations all breach international law. This has only added to the growing global view of the U.S. as hypocritical. Why should Greece feel the need to stop violent abuse against interned Middle Eastern migrants if the U.S. continues to imprison Hispanic and African immigrants on a massive scale? 

The Biden administration’s immigration policy decisions during its first months are not only critical to the well-being of the immigrant community, but determinative of the ability of the U.S. to overcome its reputation of hypocrisy and effectively advocate for human rights protection around the world. Commentators in the U.S. and abroad are skeptical and question the ability of Congress to enact an aggressive overhaul of the current immigration system. However, despite a contentious partisan divide in Congress, the Biden Administration must make strides towards reparative justice and transformational systemic change. Progressive proposals offer a path. 

This agenda includes a push to defund institutions that have criminalized migration on a massive scale. The incoming administration must cut ICE’s $8.8 billion budget and the CBP’s massive $18.2 billion budget. Biden must clean out DHS officials loyal to a politically-charged offensive against immigrant rights. This includes a push to pass the “New Way Forward Act”, that protects individuals in DHS custody. Similarly, the “Dignity for Detained Immigrants Act” would reduce the number of private detention facility contracts and drastically decrease reliance on detention in general. Furthermore, the Biden Administration must allow all previously expelled asylum-seekers back into the U.S. under a paroled shelter-in-place with relatives or in a humane alternative to government-run detention facilities, while they quarantine and await asylum determination hearings. 

Ending the mass incarceration and criminalization of Black and Brown immigrants in the United States is of vital importance to the protection of domestic and international human rights. The U.S. has the potential to significantly influence international migration and human rights policies by working with international institutions like the U.N. to hold nations accountable for abuses. Endorsing common-sense international agreements like the U.N. Convention on the Rights of Child and the U.N. Global Compact on Migration is obvious. However, defying international law, ignoring systemic problems, and failing to address the intensity of this crisis with an equally intense response, will further tarnish the United States’ international reputation as a safe haven for refugees worldwide.  

The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author. They do not express the views of the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or the George Washington University.