Here’s a PDx interview with GW graduate student Mohammad Fayaz Yourish. He is in his final year of the MA program in Global Communication, graduating this December. As an international student who has studied in India and Italy, he shares his experiences of coming to the U.S. for graduate school. In the podcast, Fayaz reflects on his time at the George Washington University and living in the nation’s capital.
“Diversity of the GW campus is very important and I think every student must make the best of that while being at GW.”
Mohammad Fayaz Yourish, MA Global Communication, Dec 2024
From his very first semester, Fayaz has given a lot of support to IPDGC events and GW student-focused activities such as the Walter Roberts Annual Lectures which feature leading voices in global communication or public diplomacy; hosting the State Department’s International Women of Courage panel at GW, and career talks with alums of the Global Communication MA program.
Fayaz has also been working on student engagement which means attending conferences like the Global Ties US National Meeting where public diplomacy practitioners, community organizations and government agencies gather – taking the opportunity to talk to attendees about the Global Communication program at the Elliott School.
Congratulations to Global Comm graduate student Rehana Paul for being a recipient of this year’s International Women of Elliott Awards!
The International Women of Elliott (I/WE) Student Awards, established by the International Women of Elliott Executive Circle, provides recipients with financial support for various programs, activities, and needs related to their academic program (including conference and tuition fees and unpaid internships) if they have demonstrated commitment to advancing women’s roles in international affairs worldwide.
As a recipient of the International Women of Elliott Award, I am empowered to continue studying the role of women in countering violent extremism, as well as the impact of CVE/CT campaigns on marginalized women. This award will allow me to fully devote myself to pursuing my MA in Global Communications, as well as working on the International Religious Freedom Reports at the State Department. I am honored to join a community devoted to promoting women’s leadership, and look forward to learning from the strong women who compose it.
Saiansha Panangipalli is a former Global Initiatives Fellow at GW who graduated from the M.A.Global Communication graduate program in 2021.
She currently works as the Programs and Communications Lead at the Science Innovation and Technology Network at the British High Commission in India. Previously, she worked as a communication and project management intern at the Embassy of the Kingdom of Morocco in India, a Media and Public Affairs Intern at the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), and as a Communication Intern and Volunteer at the Embassy of India in Washington, D.C.
In this PDx podcast with GW Graduate Fellow Fayaz Yourish, Saiansha reflects on her time at GW and how the experience helped her thrive professionally. She underscores the skills and experiences acquired in and outside the classroom at GW and provides valuable advice to prospective students interested in the M.A. in Global Communications program at GW.
Learn more about Saiansha’s diverse experiences and how she inspires the next generation at GW.
Last year we introduced Christopher Teal, the Institute’s Public Diplomacy Fellow for 2022-2024. As a GW alumnus, he has enjoyed his time back on campus and now being on the “other side of the academic fence”, teaching an undergraduate course in public diplomacy. In this video interview with GW Graduate Fellow Mohamad Fayaz Yourish, Chris talks about how he integrates his practical insights from the diplomacy field into his classes.
In his long diplomatic career, Chris has been the director of the State Department’s Career Development and Assignments Mid-Level Division. His extensive overseas assignments include serving as Consul General in Nogales, Mexico, and various public affairs positions in countries like Sri Lanka, Mexico, Peru, and the Dominican Republic.
By Andrew Sugrue, MA Media and Strategic Communication, 2024
Photo Credit: Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images. This image appeared in The Wall Street Journal, captioned “Most House Republicans Applaud Zelensky.”
When Russia first launched its invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, outrage was nearly unanimous from U.S. politicians and citizens across the political spectrum. This reaction facilitated the transferal of crucial funds and military hardware to the Ukrainian resistance, helping the country battle Russia to a draw. Now, 14 months later, support for Ukraine aid remains robust on the whole — however, public opinion among Republican base voters is beginning to slide, and the GOP’s rightmost flank is growing increasingly outspoken in opposition to aiding Ukraine.
In January, Gallup found that a plurality of Republican voters (47%) believed the U.S. was providing “too much” support to Ukraine, while 32% said current support was “the right amount” and 18% deemed it “not enough”.
Thus far, Ukraine has excelled at framing its narrative in a way that broadly appeals to American shared identity— but to lock in that 32% of Republicans and prevent that 47% figure from growing, GOP narratives must be understood and addressed with more specificity and precision.
Establishment Republican officeholders — e.g., Senate GOP leader Mitch McConnell, Sen. Mitt Romney, and House Foreign Affairs Chairman Mike McCaul — largely support funding and arming Ukraine. However, officials in the ascendent “Trump wing” of the GOP have been either skeptical toward this assistance or opposed to it altogether. When addressing voters, these anti-assistance officials tend to frame their stance in alignment with one of three general narratives.
Narrative #1: Fiscal conservatism
Criticizing Democrats for spending taxpayer money is a primary line of attack for the GOP, especially against the Biden administration. Giving money to foreign countries is also a common issue in this narrative — foreign financial aid often pollspoorly among Republicans.
In a Ukrainian context, the fiscal conservatism narrative has been mainly championed by Trump-wing figures like Kari Lake, who told an audience of conservative activists, “We are living on planet crazy where we have hundreds of billions of dollars of our hard-earned American money being sent overseas to start World War III.”
Narrative #2: “America first”
This second narrative opposes American international involvement more broadly, especially in the context of putting boots on the ground. For example, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene has accused Democrats of “funding a proxy war with Russia” and prioritizing opposition to Russia over keeping the U.S. out of a nuclear war. This narrative is less opposed to targeted foreign military operations (e.g., taking out Osama Bin Laden) as it is to involvement in state-building, and it also tends to channel opposition to “globalist” organs of the postwar world order like the U.N. and W.T.O., as well as free-trade agreements like the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
Narrative #3: “What about problems here at home?”
The third narrative paints a picture of American prosperity being the opportunity cost of foreign engagement. It tends to follow a pattern of: “Democrats want to spend taxpayer money on [foreign policy item] instead of spending it on [domestic policy item] here at home.” In his pursuit of the Speakership, GOP leader Kevin McCarthy appealed to Ukraine skeptics in his caucus by using this narrative, saying: “I think people are going to be sitting in a recession, and they’re not going to write a blank check to Ukraine.”
Countering GOP Narratives with Public Diplomacy
To understand how public diplomacy can counteract GOP narratives on Ukraine, it is first crucial to avoid placing all GOP voters in the same basket as highly controversial Republicans like Lake and Greene. Aside from being disingenuous, it is also deleterious to effective public diplomacy — public diplomacy practitioners must understand voters’ narratives and then frame an argument in those terms.
There are some useful examples of American political figures framing support for Ukraine in accordance with the aforementioned GOP narratives. After meeting with President Zelensky in Kyiv, former U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo offered full-throated support for Ukraine aid on the basis that stopping Russia’s aggression now can prevent a costlier war and economic disruption later. Continued promotion of this kind of message by the Ukrainian government to a U.S. audience will be critical.
Additionally, “America first” narratives can be countered by drawing a distinction between U.S. involvement on the ground in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the support from afar that the U.S. is currently giving Ukraine. In a speech to Congress, Zelensky likened American assistance to the WWII-era Lend-Lease Act; this is a prime example of an effective counterframe that contends with anti-direct involvement American narratives.
The what-about-here-at-home argument is more difficult for Ukraine to cauterize. Countering this narrative will depend on U.S. political figures promoting Ukraine aid as not burdening taxpayers.
While these counterframes may not make a dent in Trump-wing opposition to Ukraine, they can help persuade some mainstream Republican voters to stay in the pro-Ukraine camp — thereby making contested primaries more survivable for pro-Ukraine GOP officeholders.
In short: to ensure that the U.S. continues to arm Ukraine, it is critical to arm pro-Ukraine GOP officials with counterframes that decrease the odds that their voters will boot them from office.
The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author. They do not express the views of the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or the George Washington University.
The AUKUS incident between France, the United States, and Australia occurred due to a contract breach between Australia and France. Australian authorities had contracted France to develop shortfin barracuda submarines to meet its maritime defense needs in 2016 for $38.6 billion. As the deal was delayed and costs increased, the Australian government decided to opt for American-built submarines because they have nuclear capabilities. The abandonment of the deal provoked the removal of the French ambassador to the United States, a first in the history of the Franco-American relationship. Ambassador Etienne returned to Paris for a brief period before returning to his post. The event prompted conversations about alliances and France’s role in the world.
France in the U.S.’ world?
The projection of power was key to the formation of modern France. As an empire, France saw its power expand throughout the world and the country was synonymous with influence.
Until WWII, France saw itself as a world power, influential militarily and culturally. However, its leadership in the world waned as the United States became the world superpower following WWII when the US helped the French fight the Germans, hurting Paris’ pride. Furthermore, the U.S. had obtained nuclear weapons and spread its culture globally, ousting France from the top position. To reclaim its identity as a top contender in a U.S.-dominated world, France developed its own nuclear arms program. In other words, Charles de Gaulle saw it necessary for France to arm itself with nuclear weapons to reassert its dominance in the new world order.
Similarlyfor President Macron, nuclear power is equal to French world leadership. Macron announced a nuclear buildup of 14 generators to reduce carbon emissions and reliance on foreign energy, namely from Russia. Now France also hopes to best the United States and China in the nuclear power race. If France can become Europe’s top nuclear power producer, it can position itself as a worthy adversary of the United States.
Paris still holds onto its former colonies as trade partners, but increased Chinese involvement in the region may drive away French business. The AUKUS deal represented another defeat to French power, prompting it to react strongly. Paris needed to show resolve in the face of its people, Europe, and the world.
A stab in the back?
French Minister of Foreign Affairs Yves Le Drian (Community Commons)
The immediate ending of the $38.6 billion deal shocked the world, not least of all the French. French Minister of Foreign Affairs Yves Le Drian called the dropping of France in the deal “a stab in the back.” Following a conversation with the Australian Prime Minister, President Macron alleged that he was lied to about the failed submarine deal. The U.S. actions attacked France’s falling self-image. The deal demonstrated to France that it would be a second-choice partner, behind the United States. As it struggled to reclaim its lost glory, France found its plans thwarted by U.S. enterprise. Furthermore, the failure of the deal demonstrates the American hegemony against which France has fought for several decades. In France’s view, the United States violated norms in pursuit of its interests, slighting its European allies in favor of its Anglophone partnerships. The submarines France intended to sell to Australia were non-nuclear, per agreements to half nuclear proliferation. From this perspective, France sees the United States as violating agreements established by democracies with shared values. Thus the AUKUS deal struck to the heart of France’s identity of a nuclear power with global trade ambitions.
A Simple Mistake?
The AUKUS deal represented a breach of trust for the French and larger European community, an opportunity to better arm itself for Australia, and another means to secure the indo-pacific for the United States. To resolve the issue, President Joe Biden met with President Emmanuel Macron. The two heads of state addressed the deal, with the American leader referring to the turn of events as “clumsy.” President Biden claimed that he was under the impression that France was aware of the switching of clients. The difference in perspective reveals differences in the larger identity narratives of the two countries. France’s concern was its image as a world power, which has dwindled in recent history. The deal, for France, would have returned lost prestige to the country. France falls behind the United States and Russia as the third-largest weapons exporter globally. The United States, possessing the title of the world’s greatest superpower, merely acted in line with its own identity; it sought to ensure security. The fact that France was caught in crossfires was a blunder, as President Biden explained.
US President Biden and French President Macron (AP Photo)
Reinforced Cooperation?
Though the AUKUS affair ended with the return of French Ambassador Etienne and the two sides found an agreement, what would this mean for France? France successfully defended itself against the United States and was successful in obtaining an admission of guilt from the American president.
For more on the topic by the author, please click here.
The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author. They do not express the views of the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or the George Washington University.
By Alexia Ross, MA Media and Strategic Communication ’22
New Zealand’s Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern, is preparing for upcoming economic talks with the Biden White House.
New Zealand is a country that the global community does not often associate with international conflict. While not a regular participant in clashes between the world’s dominant forces, New Zealand faces increasing concerns about the impacts of transnational conflicts on its economy. New Zealand is highly import-dependent, with international trade making up over 60% of the country’s economic activities. With rising global tensions that threaten to impact trade routes, especially in the Indo-Pacific region, New Zealand officials are beginning to raise alarms about potential economic and supply implications.
New Zealand’s prime minister, Jacinda Ardern, is putting the protection of free trade at the top of the country’s foreign affairs agenda. She plans to meet with leaders from several key economic powers in the coming months. In early 2022, New Zealand cemented a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom that will bolster bilateral trade and reinforce strong relations between the countries that should, in theory, support continued economic collaboration even in times of international crisis.
Ardern is expected to meet with US officials in May to lock down another vital ally in free trade potentially. The US is New Zealand’s third-biggest trade partner, providing goods like cars and medical equipment. In preparation for this meeting, Ardern’s communication’s team should strategically leverage compelling narratives in her statement to the general US audience, thereby gaining public support for a bilateral trade deal between the two democratic nations.
An Opportunity Connection with US Public
Strategic narratives are an essential tool for appealing to potential allies, allowing governments to find common ground and values to nurture the relationship with the public of target nations. Ardern and her team could pursue a strong trade agreement to safeguard New Zealand’s trade-based economy by leveraging a number of narrative genres that both invoke a sense of shared identity between the nations and touch on some more US-centric narratives.
There are three main narrative structures that Ardern must consider in her speech:
Master and identity narratives that draw on a nation’s history and self-identifying characteristics;
System narratives that characterize a nation’s relationship with the rest of the world;
And issue narratives that address current events in the nations
The following chart showcases trade narratives that the US and New Zealand share, making them prime examples of values that Ardern should draw on when speaking to the US public.
Shared US & New Zealand Trade Narratives
Identity/Master Narrative
System Narrative
Issue Narrative
Leaders in production industry
Participant in Global Markets
Global economic hierarchy
Maintaining trans-national trade patterns
Free Trade
Capitalism
Alliance of Democratic Nations
Rising China
Growing concerns over China and its tensions with global powers
Russia/Ukraine conflict impacting international trade, connotations for future
Global supply chain challenges
A Path Forward
New Zealand is approaching this meeting with a backdrop of positive history with the US. A readout of a 2021 call between Biden and Ardern noted, “They discussed our interest in maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific region, and President Biden underscored the enduring U.S. commitment to the region.”
When speaking to the US public in favor of a new trade deal, Prime Minister Ardern will want to draw out commonalities in free-market values. Ardern and her team should utilize a narrative of the importance of a “free, democratic, secure and prosperous world” in light of any range of global complications, and highlight how this partnership plays into the US’s existing frames of economic collaboration with a diverse grouping of nations
New Zealand can leverage current events as a tool for persuasion – arguing that firm partnerships can ensure that global trade is grounded and can remain stable in tumultuous circumstances. Tensions in the Indo-Pacific trade system due to conflict between China and other global superpowers, like the US, are of regional and global concern to Kiwis and Americans alike. By noting the risks for both the US and New Zealand’s economic freedoms if China was to disrupt trade in the region, Ardern could stoke strong emotional support for a trade agreement.
Utilizing a few more US-centric frames may also be helpful in developing public support for the partnership. For example, the US knows that it is a global superpower and acknowledges its role in global affairs. There is an expectation that US leaders will protect the reputation of the country as economic and humanitarian leaders. By touching on these identity narratives in her statement, Ardern would draw on the public’s desire to see its government showcase American values on the global stage.
Through the strategic use of narratives, Prime Minister Ardern could stoke pressure from a broad US audience, initiating an extra nudge that could push the Biden Administration to formalize a new trade agreement between the nations. For these reasons and more, Ardern’s messaging to the US public must be deliberate, highlighting why this deal is essential to both countries’ economic agendas.
For more on the topic by the author, please click here.
The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author. They do not express the views of the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or the George Washington University.
The Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication welcomes all our students back in 2022! A new year brings fresh starts and hopes for many.
This year we warmly welcome IPDGC’s new director, Dr. William Youmans. Dr. Youmans is an associate professor at the George Washington University’s School of Media and Public Affairs. His area of expertise is media law and global communications, Middle Eastern politics and society; social movements, and Arab-American studies. More information on Dr. Youmans can be found here.
We look forward to more connections made with students, young professionals, and others interested in the fields of public diplomacy and global communication. In 2022, we will plan for more innovative events to support academic excellence in these fields. If you would like to know more about our past activities, please go here.
For our final PDx podcast for the season, we take a look at how the U.S. takes urban dance culture to other communities around the world. SMPA graduate student Victoria Makanjuola talks to Junious Brickhouse about cultural diplomacy and the challenges of sharing about representation, diversity, and inclusion – which is still a work-in-progress in the United States.
Junious Brickhouse is an internationally established, award-winning urban dance educator, choreographer, community leader, and cultural preservationist with over 20 years of experience in the field of expression and dance.
As the director of Next Level – an initiative of the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs and is administered by Meridian International Center and the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill – Junious is responsible for leading programs which bring people together in programs that encourages greater understanding through music.
Next Level has programs where teams of MCs, DJs, hip hop dancers, beatmakers, beatboxers, and artists conduct public concerts, interactive performances with local (foreign) musicians, lecture demonstrations, workshops, and jam sessions with diverse audiences.
He is also the founder and executive director of Urban Artistry (link to Urban Artistry: http://urbanartistry.org/), non-profit organization dedicated to the performance and preservation of art forms inspired by the urban experience in Silver Spring, Md.
Please enjoy our last podcast for the season and have a fantastic summer! Click Here for the podcast.
Victoria recently launched her own podcast, Feel Your Feelingz – for Generation Z- made by a Gen Z’er! Its purpose is to enlighten, educate, and express to the world how Victoria’s generation is coping with mental health issues.
She talks to guests about 2020, COVID-19, stress and anxiety, race, education, and more! It’s not just talk as Victoria and her guests also try to offer listeners some solutions. This podcast was created to reinforce the fact thatthe voice of Gen Z matters. Join Victoria to FEEL YOUR FEELINGZ together!
Click Here to learn more how the Feel You Feelingz is now part of the first-ever Mental Health Action Day on Thursday, May 20, 2021.
And thank you again to Victoria Makanjuola – Class of 2021, MA in Media and Strategic Communication. We wish you success always!
For this PDx podcast, GW senior Sydney Teabout speaks to Nancy Szalwinski, Director for Cultural Programs at the US Department of State.
Ms. Szalwinski has had almost two decades of experience with the U.S. Foreign Service. Her experiences have taken her to several posts in Latin America and also to Eastern Europe and Australia.
In the conversation, Sydney learns more about the goals of cultural programs and how they are part of U.S. public diplomacy.
Sydney Teabout is a student in the SMPA 3350 Public Diplomacy class taught by Public Diplomacy Fellow Emilia A. Puma. She is a senior studying Journalism and Mass Communication as well as American Studies.
The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author. They do not express the views of the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or the George Washington University.
