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Terrorism: Countering the Boko Haram extremist narratives in Nigeria

April 14, 2022May 9, 2022Africa, Disinformation, Women, Youth9 Comments

By Adeniyi Funsho, MA Media and Strategic Communications ’22

The latest bombing attack of the Abuja-Kaduna bound train by Boko Haram speaks to the continuous reign of terrorism, and extremist narratives against Nigeria. The latest attack is coming off the back of countless others that spread from the northeast to as far as the south of Nigeria. Nigeria, a former British colony has gone through several turbulent moments in its history as a nation leading to it becoming a democratic state, running a democratic system. As a nation, its master narrative is rooted in its diverse culture, tribes, religions, and hard-fought democracy. One threat to Nigeria’s master narrative is Boko Haram, an Islamic group founded by Mohammed Yusuf, which grew out of a cell of Muslim clergies and followers in Maiduguri, a state in the northeastern region of Nigeria. Since 2009, Boko Haram has been disrupting both the economic, and social life of Nigerians with a total of over 34,000 deaths, the latest killing of passengers traveling in a train bound for Kaduna adds to the increasing number of deaths by the terrorist group.

*Courtesy of Vanguard News: Abuja-Kaduna bound train attacked by Boko Haram killing over 15 passengers and over 200 wounded*.

Boko Haram translates to ‘no to western education,’ and western ideologies describe the archetype of its master narrative as a group that is completely opposed to westernization. Unlike other ethnic militias, Boko Haram does not appropriate its ethnic Kanuri nationalist rhetoric to demand national representation for the northeast region within the Nigerian democratic system; instead, Boko Haram’s goal is the pursuit of an Islamic caliphate, a political structure, and a system of government based on Tawid ‘God’ law. Boko Haram is in opposition to what it calls ‘man-made’ laws of western democracy and the westernized culture under which the Nigerian system operates. Most importantly, however, we need to understand that Boko Haram’s narratives are founded on the “Salafi-jihadi” movement of Islam, a modern-day movement traceable to the middle east which developed roots connecting it to northern Nigeria. Their beliefs are predicated on a “Quran-only” doctrine, that strongly rejects westernized culture, and systems, owing to that reason the earliest people that first came into contact with the group branded them ‘Boko Haram’ a narrative that describes their utopia of ‘no to education’.

Specifically, Boko Haram’s Salafi-jihadi “Quran-only” identity reveals the ‘Islamist extremism’ ideology of the group, how they think, how they organize, the goals they pursue, and the reason why their narrative and activities are engrained in tough-talk and violent videos laundered through the media ecology. We get an understanding of their strategic narrative and the reason why they see an Islamic state as jihadism, and the only solution to resolve their issues with Nigeria. Boko Haram’s narratives for an Islamic state which previously appeared to have been ignored by the Nigerian state and international audiences got international attention when in April 2014, it ransacked the small town of Chibok, Maiduguri, and kidnapped 276 Chibok schoolgirls returning from school. In its messaging to Nigeria and the rest of the world, Boko Haram released a video via YouTube showing the girls as a ransom for the release of its members, and demands for an Islamic state. Nigeria’s counternarrative of peace and the use of Islamic commands on education as an appeal to Boko Haram to release the girls failed. However, it succeeded in destroying the conditions that make Boko Haram’s narratives plausible, communicable, and intelligible. It galvanized international and local nonstate actors, and media to frame the counternarrative of #BringBackOurGirls emphasizing the urgency for their unconditional release and their immutable right to education.

*Courtesy of Channels News: Images of Chibok Schoolgirls that escaped from Boko Haram’s Kidnapping Camp*

In order for Nigeria to counter Boko Haram’s extremist narratives, it should frame Boko Haram in a way that counters the group as following a false narrative of the ideology of true Islam. Framing should be crafted on peace and not violence, and Nigeria should heighten its frames on Islam as a religion that entertains peace ‘salam’ as its identity and one that abhors violence. Most importantly, Nigeria’s frames should heighten the sayings of the Islamic prophet on education and the ones whereby he implored its followers to live in peace and tolerance with their neighbors.

This should be supported by strategic use of the media ecology to counter the Boko Haram identity narrative of ‘no to education’. Nigeria’s counternarrative to Boko Haram should be based on the true Islamic authority of the prophet of Islam as he expressed his love for knowledge and enjoined his followers to seek education even if it were to be as far as China!

For more on the topic by the author, please click here.

The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author. They do not express the views of the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or the George Washington University.

Gender Equality in International Affairs

January 25, 2021February 27, 2021Education, PDx, Women

Building a better approach through research and practice

In our latest PDx episode, interviewer and SMPA grad student Victoria Makanjuola talks to Dr. Shirley Graham the director for the Gender Equality Initiative in International Affairs at the Elliott School of International Affairs. The Gender Equality Initiative in International Affairs (GEIA) is a program to encourage gender equality in all areas of global affairs, international development, political power, military strength, and government leadership.

Recognizing the absence of women from decision-making and institutional structures, is a way to acknowledge the need to include women in government and political power. Women can effectively contribute their experiences and expertise to global politics which were once traditionally regarded as male domains.

Dr. Graham shares highlights from the initiative and how the idea of gender inclusion has been gaining acceptance in academia and in practice.

Listen to the podcast HERE.

Challenges and Vulnerabilities for Public Diplomacy in Guatemala

April 13, 2020May 18, 2020Latin America, public diplomacy, Women

By Halea Kerr-Layton, MA Global Communication ’21

Guatemala, the Central American country home to roughly 17 million people has unique vulnerabilities and challenges for public diplomacy presented by the competing narratives, identities, and experiences of its population. Specifically, between the indigenous and the non-indigenous, or Ladino, population. The inequality, repression and lack of political representation for the indigenous population presents a particularly unique environment that fans unrest and lends itself to disinformation. Through a brief examination of some of these narratives and realities, these vulnerabilities and challenges will be examined.

An indigenous woman rests along a street. Antigua, Guatemala, 2006, d’Layne Kerr-Layton.

Two Competing Narratives

Whenever there are competing narratives or realities, there exists a vulnerability that can lead to intense polarization, susceptibility to misinformation and challenges for public diplomacy. Narratives are important socio-political forces in the world that make sense of transhistorical patterns and are deeply rooted and embedded in a particular culture. Competing narratives represent a formidable cleavage in a society. The cultural narratives in Guatemala reveal extreme inequality and divergent realities for different portions of the population. The World Bank describes the inequalities and divergent experiences of life in Guatemala saying, “in essence, there are “two Guatemalas, one with well-off, and one poor, one urban and one rural, one Ladino and one Indigenous with large gaps in both social and economic outcomes.” This history of inequality, racism, and discrimination against indigenous peoples in Guatemala constitutes a master narrative that presents a stark vulnerability for public diplomacy in Guatemala.

A Mayan man sells his artwork on the street. Antigua, Guatemala, 2006, d’Layne Kerr-Layton.

The Maya

The indigenous population in Guatemala, most of whom are Maya, is estimated to comprise roughly 60% of the country’s total population. Despite making up the majority of the population, the Mayan population faces extreme discrimination, repression, lack of political representation and access to resources such as housing and education. Even statistics about the Mayan population are contested as inaccurate due to the inability for many indigenous peoples to participate in data collection. Experts continually criticize the official census as underreporting indigenous inhabitants. The fact that many of the Maya are disadvantaged and are not officially counted, and therefore remain unrecognized by the government, demonstrates a rift between identity narratives in Guatemala.

Child with mother at marketplace. Guatemala, 2006, d’Layne Kerr-Layton.

War and Repression

The lasting trauma left by domestic wars, indigenous suppression and the history of colonization in Guatemala and much of Central and South America, has implications for successful public diplomacy. Wars create enduring cultural memories and privilege the victors for future governance decisions. Most recently, the Civil War (1960-1996) left legacies of pain, exclusion, and division in Guatemala between the Ladino and the indigenous populations. The ruling military junta at the time committed acts of terror and genocide against the Maya communities in part “to destroy the cultural values that ensured cohesion and collective action in Mayan communities.” This narrative of Mayan oppression and slaughter goes back to colonization and remains strong to this day. In 2018, 26 members of mostly indigenous campesino organizations were killed with almost no acknowledgement or atonement from the government. Guatemala is considered by human rights activists to be on the verge of a human-rights catastrophe and as desperation for justice mounts, disinformation campaigns are more likely to be successful.

Mayan woman in traditional dress in marketplace. Guatemala, 2006, d’Layne Kerr-Layton.

Poverty and Inequality

Guatemala suffers from persistently high poverty and inequality with the indigenous peoples continuously more disadvantaged. In 2016, Guatemala ranked as the number 1 most unequal country in Central America and was included in the world’s top ten most unequal countries. While poverty in the country is growing as a whole, the indigenous Mayan population is disproportionately poor in comparison with non-indigeous populations with over 75% of the ingidengous population living in poverty. Geographically, poverty is predominant in rural areas, primarily inhabited by indigenous peoples with 81% of those living in poverty and 91% of those living in extreme poverty living in the countryside. This physical divide between populations presents a vulnerability to disinformation as narratives about different socio-economic realities will be more distant and less verifiable.

A set of homes in rural Guatemala. Guatemala, 2006, d’Layne Kerr-Layton.

Representation and Identity

Social and political exclusion of the indigenous population is a challenge to public diplomacy efforts. Traditional diplomacy often happens at the top level of governments between elected officials and representatives. Political representation for indigenous Guatemalans remains extremely low, which makes diplomacy efforts to include indigenous voices difficult, but vital. The indigenous population has never gained more than 13% of the total seats in Congress. Political participation of indigenous peoples is lower than among non-indigenous populations due to challenges “including language barriers in the election process, lack of information on where the votes should be cast, political clientelism, and even violence.” The increasingly popular theory of identitarian epistemology claims that a specific identity group cannot acquire the knowledge of another, and argues that each identity group has unique rights that pertain to their exclusive body of knowledge. Furthermore, this theory argues that legitimate representation is an act on behalf of a group that the representative is themselves a part of. Therefore, without political participation and representation of indigenous Guatemalans, the government may be deemed illegitimate by some. Therefore, in order to combat disinformation, diplomatic efforts must work to engage with the indigenous population.

Funeral procession in a rural village. Guatemala, 2006, d’Layne Kerr-Layton.

Implications:

These vulnerabilities and challenges to diplomacy are not unique to Guatemala and in fact have implications for larger narratives of shared histories of colonization, racism and inequality that disadvantage indigenous populations. Therefore similar vulnerabilities are applicable by extension to much of South and Central America. These sociological vulnerabilities can be exploited and used for disinformation campaigns. In countries such as Guatemala, with a history of colonization, competing identity narratives and extreme sociological differences, disinformation campaigns will be able to tap into existing narratives about oppressors, victims, inequality and representation.

Antigua, Guatemala, 2006, d’Layne Kerr-Layton

> The author has also written Master Narratives and Their Divergent Interpretations: Challenges and Vulnerabilities for Public Diplomacy in Guatemala.

The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author. They do not express the views of the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or the George Washington University.

2020 International Women of Courage award

March 10, 2020July 9, 2020Cultural Diplomacy, Events, Women

The Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication (IPDGC) is awed and inspired by the recipients of the Secretary of State’s 2020 International Women of Courage (IWOC).

Together with the GW Elliott School of International Affairs and the Gender Equality Initiative, IPDGC was proud to co-host a panel discussion with three of the 2020 IWOC awardees at the school.

The IWOC award honors women around the globe who have exemplified exceptional courage and leadership in advocating for peace, justice, human rights, gender equality, women’s empowerment, and social progress, often at great personal risk and sacrifice. This is the only Department of State award that pays tribute to emerging women leaders worldwide.

Following the official award ceremony and meetings in Washington, D.C., the IWOC awardees embarked on an International Visitor Leadership Program to visit American organizations and businesses and collaborate with their leadership on strategies and ideas to empower women both in the United States and abroad.

IPDGC Director Dr. Janet Steele delivered welcome remarks at this event. The panel discussion was moderated by Dr. Shirley Graham, Director of the Gender Equality Initiative in International Affairs.

More with videos and photos from the event on the IPDGC website, here.

How ISIS seduces European Muslim women–and what Europe can do about it

April 20, 2018December 19, 2018Disinformation, Europe, Global Communication, Middle East, public diplomacy, Social Media, WomenLeave a Comment

Why are so many Muslim women in Europe susceptible to ISIS propaganda? Many of them join ISIS to commit jihad, or violence in the name of the “sustained struggle” to advance Islamic extremism. In 2014, about 18 percent of all European ISIS members were female. As of August 2017, experts believe the total number of women is more than 550. But are women brainwashed by the Islamic State or choosing jihad of their own free will?

Many Muslim women in Europe are enticed by ISIS’s recruitment videos and social media presence. ISIS portrays the Caliphate as a utopian land where ISIS’s very narrow view of Islam is strictly enforced. ISIS uses Hollywood-level video production and a social media strategy which rivals any Silicon Valley startup. On social media, women members of ISIS promise their women viewers a fulfilling life married to a devout Muslim man in the Caliphate. These women leave discrimination and alienation in Europe to support jihadis in Syria—or to take jihad into their own hands.

But why are ISIS recruitment efforts so effective? Answering this question requires an overview of how Muslim women are excluded from European society. For example, many French people do not consider a Muslim immigrant living in France to be “French, ” regardless of citizenship. A “French” identity includes Western clothing, language fluency, and a desire to assimilate. The French government and mainstream media view national identity narrowly—“traditional” so as not to make white French citizens uncomfortable.

Immigrant Muslim women are marginalized and their religion, way of dressing, and race are always at the forefront of their minds. They are forced to define their “Muslim” identity as incompatible with their “French” identity. Many choose to perceive themselves as “Muslim” rather than “French” in a nation that shows them time and time again that they do not belong. Taub calls this phenomenon “identity choice.”

ISIS uses these cleavages created by the French government to target French Muslim women who want to wear religious coverings and marry a devout Muslim man without being cast as a social pariah. Recruiters appeal to women fascinated by extremism and enamored with escaping France to join the Caliphate. By creating media channels apart from the French mainstream, ISIS can control the slant and message of their posted content to target and lure.

The divergence of media outlets can explain why recruitment videos spread like wildfire.

The fork in the road: ISIS creates a sophisticated rival of mainstream media, which garners attention from the women who embrace this romanticized extremism

However, ISIS’s savvy productions only explain part of the phenomenon.

ISIS’s chosen messenger? Other women.

British women recruiters are master strategists at romanticizing life under ISIS: they catch more flies with honey than they do with vinegar. ISIS women reach out to other women by creating News Frames of the propaganda. Through a process called framing, they shape and interpret the content of ISIS videos and social media posts to win the upper hand in reaching French Muslim women—their target audience.

The most powerful way to frame ISIS propaganda is to create a utopian image of the Caliphate that is consistent with what many Muslim women have already determined to be their ideal society.

Women recruiters can frame ISIS propaganda to convince a woman that joining is in her own best interest. Here’s three ways how:

They display their elite status in the Caliphate as wives and mothers and invite other women to emulate them.

They provide detailed instructions on how to use weapons, travel to Syria, and even commit jihad.

They distort the concept of women’s “empowerment” to mean challenging western gender norms and joining all-women brigades.

By glorifying this active role for women, recruits develop an affinity for a Caliphate ready to welcome them with open arms.

Despite its recent territory losses, ISIS still manages to release a few recruitment videos. Nations committed to countering violent extremism cannot fight fire with fire: instead of sensationalizing the videos and perpetrators to the public, European officials and mainstream media outlets must disseminate content that exposes these recruitment tactics that put women at risk.

In addition, French society must broaden their definition of “European” to include Muslim immigrants. In order for this shift in public opinion to occur, European mainstream media needs a new approach: discussing Muslim women as French citizens or residents, not permanent outsiders. Media accomplish this goal by at the News Frames stage of the model above.

Elected officials in Europe must rise to their higher calling as public servants and unite citizens of all religions and national origins under a new “European” identity. Factionalism may be good for getting votes, but this tactic has succeeded at the expense of Muslim women’s livelihoods. This is the most difficult and far-reaching change to implement, as the model suggests.

If France better integrates its immigrant communities, French Muslim women can emerge from the margins of society. ISIS’s power to prey upon these women diminishes when women can practice their religion, wear garments of their choosing, and access education and employment opportunities.

ISIS’s glossy social media images will lose their luster for the many women they once seduced. The news frames won’t be as effective for Muslim women immigrants once Europe stops treating them as “the other.”

Caveat: The opinions expressed in this blog are those of the author. They do not necessarily express the views of either The Institute of Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or The George Washington University.

The Next Challenge for Countering Violent Extremism: Connecting with Women

March 30, 2017December 19, 2018public diplomacy, Women9 Comments

A “conservative stay-at-home mom” doesn’t sound like the description of a typical terrorist, least of all one who took up arms and helped murder fourteen people at a holiday party. But that is how 29-year-old Tashfeen Malik was described by a family lawyer after she and her husband, Syed Rizwan Farook, perpetrated the San Bernardino terrorist attack in 2015. According to news reports, the Pakistani-born woman wasn’t coerced or even pressured by her family or faith – instead, the process by which she went from a fairly secular pharmacy student to a jihadi and ISIS supporter was described by law enforcement as “self-radicalization”.

Examples like Malik’s underscore the flaws in our typical – and often gendered – understanding of terrorism. For most Americans, the word “terrorist” conjures images of young, bearded men with big guns and angry faces. At least, that’s what a Google Images search for the term will show. But contrary to popular belief, the evidence suggests that terrorist groups like ISIS and al-Qaeda are happy to welcome women into their ranks. In fact, the Daily Beast reports a supposed ISIS strategy to “turn women into cannon fodder” by recruiting them as terrorists alongside men.

Of course, anyone who is well-versed in ISIS’s beliefs and goals understands that women are essential to their project of establishing an Islamist caliphate. Unlike al-Qaeda, which is international and decentralized, the Islamic State is closely tied to the physical territory it controls. As Graeme Wood explains in “What ISIS Really Wants,” the organization has recruited “tens of thousands” of Muslims from all over the world, who have physically moved to Iraq and Syria. Supporters of ISIS see emigration to the Caliphate as an obligation, and the failure to do so if given the opportunity as a mortal sin. And this mandate includes women as much as men. The ultimate goal of ISIS is control of its territory and the people residing within – to function, in other words, as a state, with the aim of restoring what it sees as true sharia law.

In order to survive, then, ISIS needs all the trappings of statehood – it needs food, clothing, healthcare, schools, and mosques for its people, which necessitates doctors and nurses, farmers, merchants, teachers, and mothers. For ISIS, women are not just a tool who might be able to carry out the occasional terrorist attack without arousing suspicion – they are absolutely essential to its very survival.

Meanwhile, ISIS’s ever-ballooning digital footprint can reach women as easily as men. According to Wood, isolated women in conservative Muslim communities often turn to the Internet, where recruiters are ready and willing to entice them to make the journey.

“ISIS has a policy to bring brilliant women from around the world,” UN Special Representative Zainab Hawa Bangura told the US Institute of Peace at a 2015 panel. “They will spend six hours a day online to recruit a woman. They understand how critical it is to have women. They have deployed smart women, and we are still talking.”

Indeed, compared to ISIS’s concerted online efforts to target women and bring them to the caliphate – or inspire them to commit acts of terror – the US seems to be failing in its efforts to counter violent extremism in women. Organizations like the USIP, the Department of State, and American allies around the world seem blindsided by the threat posed by radical women. Rather than seeking to understand and counter these efforts and thus undermine ISIS’s attempt to build a caliphate, the US has taken a dangerously gendered approach to CVE that casts women as benevolent side players, rather than potentially dangerous main actors. The discussion surrounding CVE and women still revolves around men. Women are often discussed as allies who can influence the men in their lives to reject terrorism, but the conversation continues to overlook women’s own potential to be radicalized and become willing pawn’s in ISIS’s plan.

Of course, men are still make up the majority of terrorists, and as always, it’s important to remember that the overwhelming majority of Muslim women – like men – reject ISIS’s message out of hand. But if the US hopes to stay ahead in the fight against ISIS, it’s time we start crafting a CVE message that truly includes women.

What would such an approach look like? The Global Counterterrorism Forum outlines twenty-two “Good Practices” for countering violent extremism in a way that includes women across every dimension of their lives – countering women’s involvement in terrorism but also building their capacity to contribute to the CVE effort, engaging them as influencers within their communities, increasing their participation in public life and uplifting women and girls who are victims of terrorism. Critically, the report emphasizes how gender inequality in many countries can contribute to the sense of marginalization that leads young women to terrorism, and argue for the use of evidence-based approaches to identify and address the factors that lead women to terrorism.

The examples of San Bernardino, Paris, and other terrorist attacks that involve women show that the US can’t afford to wait when it comes to developing effective CVE strategies that target women. ISIS is happy to welcome disaffected women and girls into their ranks, giving them roles in the caliphate and in some cases encouraging them to join in the fight against Western civilization. The US desperately needs an inclusive approach to CVE that appreciates the unique gender dynamics of women in terrorist organizations, recognizes the power women have both to support ISIS and to resist it, and effectively identifies these women and helps them reject ISIS propaganda. Until we do so, our efforts to prevent extremism from furthering its reach in the Middle East will remain mere half-measures.

Caveat: The views expressed in this blog are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication or the George Washington University.

Perspectives on Olympic Figure Skating and Public Diplomacy

February 20, 2014public diplomacy, Women1 Comment

South Korean figure skater Yuna Kim wins the gold and sets a new world record at the XXI Winter Olympics in Vancouver, Feb. 25, 2010. Credit: koreanbeacon.com

Among the sports of the Winter Olympics, figure skating is unquestionably one of the most watched. Perhaps it’s the unique elegance of the program and skaters that sets it apart from other winter sports, which are often focused on speed and action, not artistry or beauty.

But similar to popular Olympic sports, gold medalists in figure skating are elevated to an unprecedented level in their home country, and no where is this more true than in South Korea. Before Yuna Kim entered the global stage with her gold medal at the 2010 games in Vancouver, figure skating was underrepresented in South Korea and overshadowed by the greater success it has had with speed skating and the short track. Even though Kim did not win gold in Thursday’s free skate program, figure skating will continue rising in popularity as Kim and other figure skaters rake in lucrative endorsements from the likes of Hyundai, Samsung, and Nike.

Kim also brings an overall recognition to her country through active participation in international organizations, such as UNICEF (of which she is a Goodwill Ambassador) and the International Olympic Committee (which she has expressed joining full-time upon retirement). In many ways, she is a walking and talking (and gliding?) public diplomacy campaign for South Korea.

It’s a story Americans can resonate with: Michelle Kwan, the highly decorated American figure skater who elevated the sport in a similar manner to Kim in the late ’90s, is now a senior advisor for public diplomacy and public affairs for the State Department. According to her, traveling all over the world representing the U.S. has put her in the unique – and not entirely unlikely – position of doing the same through government. (It also doesn’t hurt that she received a master’s degree from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University in 2011.)

“I work at the Educational and Cultural Affairs Bureau, where we focus on a lot of exchanges, building mutual understanding,” she says in this Feb. 7 interview with WAMU 88.5. “We bring businesses, we bring athletes, we bring music. There’s a great exchange between countries, and it’s a great way to connect.”

Can figure skating contribute to a nation’s public diplomacy goals? If it requires worldwide celebrity status, consistent contact with foreigners, and partaking in globally-organized events, then it must. It is why events like the Olympics have been successful for so long – a country’s image can be made or broken through how its athletes compete. In South Korea’s case, Yuna Kim’s ubiquity in everyday life through her vast commercial and global presence serves as a singular force in their global image campaign, despite the controversy surrounding her final Olympics competition. No doubt it was a significant part of the IOC’s decision to give South Korea the role of hosting in 2018. How it plans to channel public diplomacy from now until then will be fascinating to watch.

CPD’s Top 10 Public Diplomacy Stories of 2013

January 15, 2014public diplomacy, WomenLeave a Comment

Pope Francis as he arrived in Vatican City's St. Peter's Square on March 19, 2013 for his inaugural mass. Credit: Valdrin Xhemaj / EPA / LANDOV via NPR.org — Pope Francis as he arrived in Vatican City’s St. Peter’s Square on March 19, 2013 for his inaugural mass. Credit: Valdrin Xhemaj via NPR.org

Public diplomacy fans should read the list of the 10 biggest public diplomacy stories of last year. Thanks to the University of Southern California’s Center on Public Diplomacy, we can see the global trends and how public diplomats are responding to those trends.

From the Pope to Putin to Pakistan, there are new players and new narratives emerging in this evolving field of public diplomacy. It is inspiring to see Malala on the list of public diplomats for 2013. Her physical and emotional journey from schoolgirl to global advocate has elevated girls education to the forefront of the struggle for equal rights for women and girls the world over. It reminds us that there is so much work to be done to champion the rights of young women to be educated and to participate in the economies and politics of their countries.

Throughout the Middle East, Asia, Latin America, Africa and Europe, the issues of female participation in the social, cultural, political and financial sphere of governance and society is critical to unlocking the potential of individuals to make a difference in civil society building. Public diplomacy can echo those sentiments and strengthen those calls.

Read the top three stories below. For the full list, view the article on the CPD website.

1. Pope’s Global Outreach Spotlights Poverty and Inequality
Since the inauguration of Pope Francis in March 2013, the Vatican has been engaging with publics around the world by acknowledging local equality, economic, and development issues. The resulting shift in public perception of the Catholic Church continues to unfold.

2. Putin Embraces Soft Power, with Mixed Results
Russian President Vladimir Putin had a busy year of public diplomacy efforts, including addressing the American public through a New York Times op-ed and authorizing the release of activists imprisoned on charges of blasphemy. However, his efforts toward enhancing Russia’s soft power in the lead-up to the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics have been undermined by his public stance against gay rights, which created negative fallout in much of the Western world.

3. Girl Power, Malala’s Quest for Education
16-year-old Malala Yousafzai survived an assassination attempt by the Taliban to become the youngest Nobel Peace Prize nominee in the award’s history. Yousafzai’s message of peace has made her an international symbol of survival and strength for young people, women, and others impressed by her resilience against all odds.

Tara Sonenshine to give testimony to British Committee on Soft Power

December 16, 2013Europe, in the field, public diplomacy, WomenLeave a Comment

Tara Sonenshine, former Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs, and currently a Distinguished Fellow at George Washington University’s School of Media and Public Affairs will address the United Kingdom’s House of Lords “Select Committee on Soft Power and the UK’s Influence” via videotape on Monday, December 16 at 5:15 p.m. London time (12:15 p.m. Washington time).

The live testimony will take place at the British Embassy in Washington. The evidence session is public and a verbatim transcript will be posted on the British Parliamentary website shortly after the oral evidence session at this link: http://www.parliament.uk/soft-power-and-uks-influence. The Select Committee was formed May 16, 2013 to examine how soft power reflects national interest.

Ms. Sonenshine will be addressing issues related to the use of “soft power,” “hard power” and “smart power” and how public diplomacy is utilized with respect to international policy. Questions will be posed by the Chairman and other members of the Committee who are all Member of the House of Lords.

Ms. Sonenshine has high level experience in both government and the media, having served in the White House, State Department, and as Executive Vice President at the United States Institute of Peace. In earlier years, she was Editorial Producer of ABC News Nightline and a Contributing Editor at Newsweek. At her current position at George Washington University, she writes on a variety of topics related to public diplomacy and international relations.

Making Sense of US Commitment to Afghanistan through Public Diplomacy

November 26, 2013Middle East, public diplomacy, WomenLeave a Comment

The recent decision by Afghan President Karzai to postpone signing a security arrangement on the continued presence of U.S. troops is apt to confuse an already confused Afghan and American public about the future bilateral relationship that will define post-2014. It is hard for any casual observer or media consumer to make sense out of the daily conflicting stories on whether or not American engagement in Afghanistan will be sustained next year. One of the key challenges of public diplomacy is to match rhetoric with actions on the ground and make a convincing argument to citizens.

An issue where the U.S. has stepped up its promises and rhetoric as well as its policy is around standing by Afghan women and girls—a promise we should keep. It is in America’s interest to see women-–a large segment of Afghan society–educated, trained, active and engaged in securing peace in a country in which we have invested a dozen years of money and lives. The women of Afghanistan are the loudest champions of peace and reconciliation in that troubled land.

Good public diplomacy and good policy are reflected in the announcement just a few months ago from the U.S. Agency for International Development a new, five-year $200 million assistance program for Afghan women called “Promote,” a sign of U.S. seriousness of purpose. The announcement, made in a speech by USAID Administrator Rajiv Shah at the U.S. Institute of Peace in July underscored the continued American commitment to success in Afghanistan—success that Shah argued is “fundamentally grounded in a society that creates opportunity for women and girls.” The new USAID program will propel the education, training and promotion of young women in Afghan government, business and civil society, building on successes as measured in the rise of girls enrolled in Afghan schools.

Screen capture from a video featuring an expert panel on women's empowerment in Afghanistan at the U.S. Institute for Peace, July 18, 2013. Source: YouTube — Screen capture from a video featuring an expert panel on women’s empowerment in Afghanistan at the U.S. Institute for Peace, July 18, 2013. Source: YouTube

That announcement was echoed recently at Georgetown University by Secretary of State Kerry, standing with former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and former First Lady Laura Bush—another good example of bipartisan public diplomacy.

In the first few months of 2014, President Obama will have opportunities to clear up any fog about American ambitions for Afghanistan, including with the State of the Union in February—the ultimate public diplomacy opportunity. (Twelve years ago in 2002, George W. Bush used his State of the Union speech to signal America’s commitment to Afghan women and to underscore signs of progress: “The last time we met in this chamber, the mothers and daughters of Afghanistan were captives in their own homes, forbidden from working or going to school. Today, women are free and are part of Afghanistan’s new government.”)

Another place to make the case for US-Afghan relations is on social media–a growing platform for public diplomacy around the world. Today, Afghan women and girls are using social media to make their anxiety about the future known. Zahra is a 23-year old Afghan woman, and currently an undergraduate student at the American University of Afghanistan studying business administration. She shared her anxiety on the website WhyDev, which is dedicated to the Voice of Afghanistan’s youth:

“I live in fear more and more as each day passes and it gets closer to 2014.

Everybody is talking about civil war again. Everybody has a plan to leave Afghanistan; they want to have a better life. .. Today, in our office, my colleague said she put her house on the market and wants to go to Australia. “But how?”, I asked. She said –like everybody else that goes… “With an invitation? Do you know somebody there? Will they send you invitation letter?

We are getting crazy thinking about 2014 and civil war. We can’t enjoy our time right now as it passes. We are losing our time as these fears enter our mind…

I fear what will happen. The only image that I have of the Taliban is of men with a huge turbans, big weapons, Afghan clothes and lots of beards and mustaches. They do not like educated women like me. They want to kill those girls who go to universities or schools…. I am confused. What will be Afghanistan’s future?”

Zahra, like many Afghan girls, wants to know that America’s investment in Afghanistan doesn’t end as the troops leave. Education for Afghan girls has improved in Afghanistan from the 1990s when the Taliban pretty much prohibited it. Today, according to the World Bank and USAID, close to a third of Afghan girls attend primary school. Around 120,000 young women have completed secondary school. In total, at least 200,000 Afghan women now have at least a diplomacy from secondary school, some form of a university degree or some equivalent study. But leaves two-thirds of Afghan girls, waiting for a chance.

In the end, time will tell what the Afghan government will do for its own society, what international foundations and funders will provide, and how committed the United States and the international community can afford to remain in the lives of the Afghan people, in particular its women and girls. For now, the challenge is to keep hope alive and prevent backsliding. Promises are important to keep.