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Ryan Tiedemann Strasser Winning Essay!

 

The American Folk Revival and Confucianism: A Comparative Analysis

 

Abstract

This paper will analyze the Confucian ideal of music as according to prominent scholars in the tradition, then apply its principles to the American Folk Revival. Confucius believed that music, unlike ritual, should promote both unity between people and harmony within the individual. He believed that music ought to inspire peace and positive emotions and spoke against music deemed warlike or aggressive. The Folk Revival was a movement that lasted from the 1940s to the late 1960s and promoted togetherness among those in the United States during an extremely turbulent time. It is characterized best by protest anthems that advocated for change, such as promoting Civil Rights. Upon careful critique, it can be concluded that the Folk Revival met the Confucian standards for pure music, given its nature to unify peoples and inspire positive emotions. The members of the Revival did this by embracing and celebrating economic, racial, and gender diversity within the United States. They wrote influential anthems that became rallying songs of protests across the nation, unifying stratified groups and harmonizing their internal emotions. These songs came to represent the era and have stood up to both the test of time and the Confucian method of musical analysis.

 

The great Eastern philosopher, Confucius, once famously said “Music produces a kind of pleasure which human nature cannot do without.”[1] This single sentence contextualizes the entire Confucian school of thought on music; they believe that it is meant to unite people across socioeconomic divisions and shape the individual in a positive way, both of which express values inherent in Confucianism, unity and harmony. This ideal interpretation of music’s role in society can be compared with the music produced in the United States during its “folk revival”, or a period from the 1940s to the 1960s that saw the flourishing of music that emphasized ongoing individual, social and political movements, the beauty of America, and the working class. The a priori obligations of music expressed in Confucianism, unity and harmony, are embodied to a great degree in the American folk revival, particularly in protest anthems produced by artists within the movement.

The Confucian school of thought regarding music prioritizes the two aforementioned purposes. The first emphasis is placed on the concept of unity through shared cultural music. It is said, in Confucius’ Musical Records, that “Music serves to unite; ritual serves to differentiate. With uniting there is mutual closeness; with differentiation there is mutual respect.”[2] Confucius is essentially saying that rituals in society, such as bowing before royalty (to use an example from his time), create important class distinctions that enable society to function smoothly. However, the tool with which to overcome such distinctions and establish unity for a given period of time is music, hence Confucius’ belief that the effect of good music is societal solidarity. This was especially important in Ancient China, where class distinctions were stark, evidenced by the ritualistic behavior the philosopher himself emphasized. Because Confucius holds music to such a high standard, it follows logically that he would be greatly concerned with the type of music promoted in society as a whole. His philosophy secondarily emphasizes the way in which music shapes the individual. This is done through an analysis of how music is interwoven with one’s emotions. In the book The Chinese Aesthetic Tradition, Li Zehou analyzes Confucius’ writings on music. He concludes that “These passages make it exceptionally clear that, in contrast to the rites, which regulate external aspects, it is only by its direct appeal to the inner “heart” and “emotions” that music can supplement and complement the rites.”[3] Music, therefore, exists independently of ritual; it serves a wholly unique purpose. On an individual level, it can shift and influence the emotions, which ritual is unable to do. Also in these writings, Confucius differentiates between what he deems pure music and vulgar music, primarily based on which form creates the correct emotions in a listener; these “correct emotions” are synonymous to the harmony that has already been addressed. As a result, Confucius both indicates the purpose of music, then separates music into two categories: purpose-fulfilling and purpose-lacking. The former is considered pure music, while the latter is considered vulgar. This impact on the individual that music possesses is also supported by modern psychology. Jensen Kirkendall, in an essay titled “The Well-Ordered Heart: Confucius on Harmony, Music, and Ritual”, explains how modern research supports the Confucian school of thought regarding music, saying “Psychological research confirms Confucius’ view about music’s effect on the state of a person.”[4] He goes on to explain how an individual’s emotions, on a molecular level, are directed and influenced by the music they are listening to. Therefore, Confucius’ belief that music inspires emotion in the listener is scientifically supported. Music objectively does influence the listener’s emotions, meaning that Confucius’ logic follows: one should curate what music one engages in, given that it has such an effect. Both aspects of Confucian music, unity and harmony, serve as core concepts within the school of thought, and as a result any music that can be deemed “Confucian” must necessarily uphold these key principles.

The perspectives on music that can be found within Confucian thought are, to some extent, reductionist, leading some to dismiss such views as conservative and lacking value.  However, this perspective does not hold true when considering context and the necessity of a modern application. Confucius himself felt as if proper music and ritual were fundamental pillars of society, interwoven with the cosmos itself. However, he also dismissed many forms of music as improper or not good, particularly the newer compositions he encountered; it is for this reason that his characterization can be viewed as reductionist. These dismissals included folk music, with the Master considering such a form vulgar and lacking value. However, the reason for these dismissals must be considered prior to accepting their universality. In her essay titled “Confucius’ Opposition to the “New Music””, Philosopher Kathleen Higgins states “Confucius’ rejection of the music of the Zheng and the Wei does not represent musical conservatism for its own sake.”[5] Rather, he rejected such forms of music for their flawed ethical values, as they were created and propagated by warmongering states, and contained within them a representation of this turbulent nature. Therefore, it can be concluded that a dismissal of Confucius’ thoughts on music as overly conservative is inaccurate. Additionally, it is important to note that even if Confucius held these specific arguments against music of his time, the core tenets of the philosophy regarding music are unchanging. The specific, example-based arguments Confucius made simply do not apply within the modern context, meaning his thought is not reductionist. As a result, prioritizing these core tenets is the most important value when analyzing music from a Confucian perspective. This type of modern Confucianism is best described by Confucian scholar Stephen Angle, who argues that “Confucianism is an evolving tradition, and like earlier moments in the tradition, modern Confucianism both builds on and critiques what has come before.”[6] Confucius’ specific words are necessarily limited by historical context; however, the living tradition of the philosophy need not be. The proper way to analyze music from a Confucian perspective is to consider the everlasting pillars of the philosophy itself, being unity and harmony, rather than the specific examples given by Confucius himself.

To apply this definition of Confucian music to the American folk revival, it is necessary to first consider what the folk revival was and what type of music it inspired. The folk revival occurred in the United States between the 1940s and 1960s and is best defined by one of its participants, Alan Jabbour: “We in our revival sought out – and created – a music to express simultaneously our quest for cultural roots, our admiration of democratic ideas and values, our solidarity with the culturally neglected, and our compulsion to forge our own culture for ourselves.”[7] This definition not only beautifully combines the various goals of the artists who took part in the movement, but also demonstrates a consistent strain within it: unity in forging a shared cultural identity. Additionally, revivalist folk singers often attempted to learn and popularize old American instruments, such as Pete Seeger’s famous banjo. This further played into the idea of expressing one’s “cultural roots” and tied the revival to folk movements that predated it. Having defined the movement itself, the next question is what the music it inspired and produced actually was. For this, there can be no better source than the father of the movement himself, Woody Guthrie. Guthrie, when answering this very question, explains “A folk song is about what’s wrong and how to fix it, or it could be whose hungry and where their mouth is, and whose out of work and where the job is, or whose broke and where the money is, or whose carrying a gun and where the peace is – that’s folk lore.”[8] The theme of political protest Guthrie identifies as being inherent within a folk song explains why the most well-remembered and culturally impactful songs from the revival are inherently political and can therefore be considered protest songs. Such songs include Guthrie’s own “This Land is Your Land” (particularly the two censored verses), Pete Seeger’s “If I had a Hammer” and “We Shall Overcome,” Joan Baez’s rendition of “Where Have All The Flowers Gone,” and Bob Dylan’s “Blowing in the Wind” and “The Times They Are A-Changin’.” Every single one of these songs has overt political messaging aimed at supporting the marginalized and resisting corruption and flawed government. Lyrics such as “At the relief office, I saw my people”[9] in “This Land is Your Land” and “The order is rapidly fadin’”[10] in “The Times They Are A-Changin’” serve as evidence for such messages, and embody the very themes identified in Jabbour’s definition. The prevalence of these protest songs can largely be attributed to the political turmoil of the era in which the revival took place. As the Library of Congress puts it, when describing this time period, “The war in Vietnam, the counterculture, black power, and women’s liberation left the nation polarized.”[11] Protest songs developed naturally as a response to what singers identified as problems in society and served as a way to call out such problems. Additionally, they served as a method to rally those who wanted to fix, or protest, said problems. Therefore, the folk revival is best understood as a movement that reconnected individuals with their roots, represented the marginalized of society, critiqued the government, and popularized the folk song as a method of protest.

The question that remains, having defined both necessary terms, is quite simple: does the American folk revival embody the ideal form of music through unity and harmony as defined in Confucianism? The second layer of questioning behind this overarching inquiry then becomes clear. Did the folk revival bring society together, producing unity, and did the folk revival inspire beneficial emotions, creating harmony?

Revivalist protest songs unquestionably generated some form of unity. However, the concept of unity itself must first be investigated and challenged, as it can take many different forms. Unlike Confucius’ China, America during the folk revival was incredibly diverse. This diversity was evidenced in ethnic, class, and regional divides; each separate subsection possessed its own identity and history. As a result, one inevitably wonders what it means to “unite” in such a society. How can a singular song, or type of song, bring together such drastically different groups? Gillian Mitchell, in an article analyzing the revival, posits an answer to this question: “The very apparatus of the folk revival […] worked to ensure that diversity and universality remained fundamental features of the movement.”[12] Singers emphasized a reduction in class divisions and promoted a sense of togetherness. To see an example of this, one need not look further than the most famous song from the period, “This Land is Your Land”. The entire song has become an anthem for togetherness in America, founded upon its first line. “This land is your land, this land is my land” Woody Guthrie sings, speaking to the entire country.[13] Such lyrics are not only inherently collective, but especially so in a country plagued by division. It is telling that, even today, Guthrie’s declaration remains sung. Pete Seeger, known as the “grandfather” of American folk music, creates a similar message with the song “We Shall Overcome”, which became omnipresent at political rallies and protests at the time. The song emphasized people coming together and combatting divisions, such as segregation, that existed during the revival. Furthermore, Bob Dylan performed his new folk songs at the “March on Washington”, just before Martin Luther King Jr.’s famous “I Have a Dream” speech. Such songs were, yet again, protests sung for the marginalized in America. These explanations and lyrics essentially solve the problem presented in claiming to unify a country as diverse as the United States. They promote both peace and collective empowerment. Therefore, by accepting and celebrating diversity while simultaneously promoting togetherness, the folk revival successfully embodied this spirit of unity identified in the Confucian ideal of music.

The folk revival, on an individual scale, also managed to bring about the harmony Confucius emphasizes. This is particularly evident when comparing the music Confucius disliked with protest songs. The music from the Zheng and the Wei that the philosopher disliked so much was warlike, emphasizing might and conflict rather than unity and harmony. It was for that reason that it didn’t benefit the individual. However, protest songs do the opposite; the aforementioned songs and lyrics actively promote peace. Furthermore, folk songs help to represent the marginalized, as Jabbour and Guthrie iterate. This extension of the message further allows folk songs to impact more individuals on a broader scale, resulting in more beneficial emotional growth. It could be claimed that because protest songs are naturally anti-establishment, they immediately go against Confucius’ ideal of musical harmony. However, this concept of harmony is dismissed by Stephen Angle once again, who states “The Confucian ideal of harmony means finding ways that differences complement each other, contributing to a greater whole.”[14] Because Confucianism is a living tradition, every criticism Confucius himself may have had does not apply in a different context. Rather, the principles he laid out are what must be applied to these ideals. Folk songs necessarily take differences between various cultural diasporas and weave them together, meaning such songs are definitionally harmonious. This accessibility and wide scope of the Folk Revival in turn allows more individuals to experience the songs. As Confucius believes, music is deemed pure when it conjures positive and helpful emotions within the listener. This is done when, applying to their broad audience, Folk songs promote themes of peace and solidarity. This effect of positive emotion is also evident when such songs inspire huge groups of people, such as those at the many protest rallies that occurred during the movement’s peak. The movement intentionally increased the emotional accessibility of its songs for listeners and participants. Given both the characteristics of the Folk Revival and the positive impact it had on those listening to it, it can be determined that is embodies harmony for the individual, both with themselves and each other.

The weighing metric of Confucianism for music has stood the test of time as effective in determining the quality of music through its properties of unity and harmony, as both such properties are timeless and comprehensive. The American folk revival, following careful analysis, embodies the ideal form of music defined within Confucianism. Protest songs written during this period both unite people across ethnic, regional, and class divides, as well as proving internal harmony for the individual listening. They have entered the very consciousness of the United States, uniting and inspiring an entire nation to do better.

 

 Bibliography:

Angle, Stephen C. Growing Moral: A Confucian Guide to Life. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2022.

Cook, “Yue Ji—Record of Music: Introduction, Translation, Notes, and Commentary,” 42.

Dylan, Bob. “The Times They Are A-Changin’: The Official Bob Dylan Site.” The Times They Are A-Changin’ | The Official Bob Dylan Site. Accessed November 22, 2022. https://www.bobdylan.com/songs/times-they-are-changin/.

Eyerman, Ron, and Scott Barretta. “From the 30s to the 60s: The Folk Music Revival in the United States.” Theory and Society 25, no. 4 (1996): 501–43. http://www.jstor.org/stable/657909.

Freedman, Jean R. “What Is a Folk Revival?” In Peggy Seeger: A Life of Music, Love, and Politics, 294–304. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/j.ctt1m32159.28.

Higgins, Kathleen. “Confucius’ Opposition to the ‘New Music’ – Dao.” SpringerLink. Springer Netherlands, July 10, 2017. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11712-017-9558-6.

Hope, Bob, Jules Feiffer, Leonard Bernstein, Gloria Steinem, Abbie Hoffman, and Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). “Hope for America: Performers, Politics and Pop Culture Polarization in the 1960s.” Library of Congress, July 11, 2010. https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/hope-for-america/polarization-in-the-1960s.html.

Kirkendall, Jensen Armstrong. “The Well-Ordered Heart: Confucius on Harmony, Music, and Ritual.” Azusa Pacific University, December 14, 2017. https://s3.wp.wsu.edu/uploads/sites/998/2018/11/JensenKirkendall-TheWellOrderedHeart.pdf.

Lu, Deming, Approximately 550-630 Annotator, and Xuan Zheng. Annotated Edition of “The Book of Rites”. [Jian’an, Fujian, China: publisher not identified, to 1194, 1190] Pdf. https://www.loc.gov/item/2021666359/.

 

Mitchell, Gillian A. M. “Visions of Diversity: Cultural Pluralism and the Nation in the Folk Music Revival Movement of the United States and Canada, 1958-65.” Journal of American Studies 40, no. 3 (2006): 593–614. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27557862.

 

[1] Confucius, James Legge, Chʻu Chai, and Winberg Chai. 1967. Li Chi : Book of Rites : An Encyclopedia of Ancient Ceremonial Usages Religious Creeds and Social Institutions. New Hyde Park N.Y: University Books.

[2] Cook, “Yue Ji—Record of Music: Introduction, Translation, Notes, and Commentary,” 42

[3] Li Zehou, The Chinese Aesthetic Tradition, Translated by Maija Bell Samei, (Honolulu, HI; University of Hawai’i Press, 2010), 12.

[4] Jensen Armstrong Kirkendall, “The Well-Ordered Heart: Confucius on Harmony, Music, and Ritual” (Azusa Pacific University, December 14, 2017), 4

[5] Kathleen Higgins, “Confucius’ Opposition to the ‘New Music’ – Dao,” SpringerLink (Springer Netherlands, July 10, 2017), 321

[6] Stephen C. Angle, Growing Moral: A Confucian Guide to Life (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2022), 190-191

[7] Freedman, Jean R. “What Is a Folk Revival?” In Peggy Seeger: A Life of Music, Love, and Politics, 294-304, (University of Illinois Press,2017), 294

[8] Eyerman, Ron, and Scott Barretta. “From the 30s to the 60s: The Folk Music Revival in the United States.” (Theory and Society 25, no. 4 (1966)), 502

[9] Guthrie, Woody. “This Land is Your Land”. (Ludlow Music, Inc., 1956)

[10] Dylan, Bob. “The Times They Are A-Changin’: The Official Bob Dylan Site,” The Times They Are A-Changin’

[11] Bob Hope et al., “Hope for America: Performers, Politics and Pop Culture Polarization in the 1960s,” Library of Congress, July 11, 2010

[12] Mitchell, Gillian A. M. “Visions of Diversity: Cultural Pluralism and the Nation in the Folk Music Revival Movement of the United States and Canada, 1958-65”. Journal of American Studies 40, no 3 (2006), 598

[13] Guthrie, Woody. “This Land is Your Land”. (Ludlow Music, Inc., 1956)

[14] Stephen C. Angle, Growing Moral: A Confucian Guide to Life (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2022), 195

Anna Weber’s Strasser Winning Essay!

 

The Cold War-Era Jazz Ambassadors Program: A State Department Success

 

This paper seeks to provide a thorough overview and analysis of the U.S. State Department’s Cold War-era Jazz Ambassadors program. The essay opens with an overview of public and cultural diplomacy, emphasizing how the Jazz Ambassadors program proved itself to an effective tool during a very tumultuous time in American history. The essay then segues into a discussion about the program itself and its perception both domestically and abroad. The essay concludes with a discussion of the intersection between the Jazz Ambassadors program and U.S. race relations, as well as how the program has influenced U.S. cultural diplomacy today. The paper ultimately concludes that the Jazz Ambassadors program was a very unique form of cultural diplomacy that paved the way for other cultural diplomacy efforts that are still present within the State Department to this day.

 

 

 

 

On the world stage, the United States is often known for its hegemony in terms of most aspects of diplomacy, as well as its large military. When American diplomatic or security initiatives make headlines, they often feature either a military action or a high-level diplomatic breakthrough—which by nature influence the domestic and international perceptions of Americans and the United States government. But America’s diplomatic apparatus goes far beyond the reach of what daily headlines would imply. With embassies and additional consulates in just about every country—as well as multilateral organizations like NATO and the UN—American diplomacy penetrates the most remote corners of the world and ultimately seeks to exert influence on the citizens and governments of the countries in which it presents itself.[1] Diplomacy with governments often consists of multilateral and bilateral meetings between government officials, but public and cultural diplomacy, which is diplomacy involving a country’s citizens, takes a more programming-oriented approach and often uses creative tactics to engage the general public with American culture. Certain cultural programming tactics work better than others, but one American initiative that was particularly successful was the Cold War-era, U.S. State Department-sponsored Jazz Ambassadors program. The program sought to bridge the gap between the East and the West through music in an ideologically tumultuous time. While the Jazz Ambassadors program was at the end of the day a tool of American soft power and foreign policy, the program strengthened America’s diplomacy efforts abroad through personal connection and was ultimately a very unique and successful cultural tool during the Cold War.

Background on Cultural Diplomacy and Jazz

It is very difficult to fully understand the scope and methods of the Jazz Ambassadors program without an understanding of American cultural diplomacy and its unique ability to succeed in the Cold War era. In the words of former U.S. Ambassador Cynthia Schneider, cultural diplomacy is “the exchange of ideas, information, art, and other aspects of culture among nations and their peoples to foster mutual understanding.”[2] Cultural diplomacy is an arm of public diplomacy, which “encompasses everything a country does to explain itself to the world.”[3] The overarching goal of cultural diplomacy is to bridge the gap between a country’s citizens and its government policies, and often relies on a given country’s cultural products in order to communicate that country’s values. The underlying idea is that “creative expression has the potential to increase understanding and respect between disparate cultures and peoples.”[4] For instance, a foreign country’s citizens can have an adverse opinion of the United States’ government and a certain set of its policies, but could have a more favorable reaction toward its people and culture as seen through cultural diplomacy initiatives, which in turn could eventually persuade foreign audiences to have a better perception of the United States as a whole. It is important to point out that cultural diplomacy can by no means compensate for poor policy, but these types of initiatives are intended to be long-term. They are meant to transcend administrations and focus on promoting higher American values such as free speech, equality under the law, and democracy through cultural programming. The Jazz Ambassadors program was therefore a cultural diplomacy effort because it engaged citizens rather than governments, and its goal was to communicate the culture of the United States through the formation of personal connections.

During the Cold War era specifically, cultural diplomacy suddenly rose the ranks and became an increasingly useful diplomatic tool. Because of expanding nuclear capabilities between the United States and the USSR as well as the possibility of Mutual Assured Destruction if a conflict were to materialize, the Cold War progressively became a war of ideas rather than weapons. In the words of Hugo Berkeley, the director of the PBS film about the Jazz Ambassadors, the Cold War was ultimately an information war, or a battle “about values and culture” between the East and the West.[5] Because a country’s ‘hard power’ mechanisms such as military force could become incredibly dangerous very quickly, world powers, especially the United States, shifted to ‘soft power’ international relations mechanisms to continue diplomatic efforts without causing a violent spurt.[6] Cultural diplomacy fits this very particular need, with the intent that the United States could use American cultural products to forge connections and build bridges in an era where hard power was less of an option to counter adversaries. Furthermore, the Cold War era was unique because it coincided with several decolonization and independence movements worldwide, essentially creating an opening for these new countries to have a refreshed relationship with America.[7] These principles were the groundwork behind why the State Department began funding programs like that of the Jazz Ambassadors.

Discussions of public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, and cultural exchange often contain pushback about how cultural diplomacy is a form of propaganda, but that view is mistaken. Public and cultural diplomacy are fundamentally and “qualitatively different” from propaganda.[8] The following two statements do a particularly excellent job of contrasting public diplomacy and propaganda: “public diplomacy is based on truth but propaganda selects truth,” and “public diplomacy is flexible in its approach but propaganda has a tight agenda.”[9] Both of these issues—truth and hidden agendas—were of paramount importance during the Cold War era because a large component of the overarching U.S. foreign policy strategy during that time had to do with countering misinformation and propaganda.[10] The Soviet Union put forth an intense propaganda effort that hid the truth and attempted to have a tight control over the information that its citizens were exposed to.[11] As a result, the United States had a very strong incentive to counter that misinformation through its own public diplomacy initiatives, and so it leveraged its own culture and citizens to create programs backed in truth and legitimacy; the Jazz Ambassadors program was one of these initiatives.

Cultural diplomacy by definition encompasses a broad range of cultural entities and products, including poetry, literature, television, music, and more. But music, especially compared to the other cultural entities listed, is in a unique position because it does not require translation. In fact, music is widely regarded as a ‘universal language,’ meaning that people from any cultural or language background can interpret it; even if someone is unable to understand particular lyrics, the musicians can still convey a message through other musical elements.[12] Music is thus a very apt choice for cultural diplomacy because there is a market for music in every country as well as because music performances often create “meaningful personal contact” between the musicians and their audiences.[13] Therefore, it is very clear how and why something like the Jazz Ambassadors program fits well under this umbrella, seeing that it was a group of touring, primarily instrumental musicians seeking to build connections with audiences around the world.

In addition to music specifically, jazz itself is a uniquely American art form, making it well-suited for American cultural diplomacy. Jazz originally emerged out of slave plantations in the antebellum era in the American South, and its original purpose was to act as a musical reaction to the conditions on those plantations.[14] Unlike forms of classical music, which came to the United States from Europe, jazz was arguably the only truly American form of music from its emergence up until rock-and-roll became popular in the 1960s. This makes jazz very well-suited for a cultural diplomacy effort because it is something that foreign audiences can associate with America and America alone, which is beneficial for the State Department. In other words, no other country really had the ability to use this specific musical genre for cultural diplomacy.[15] The same cannot be said for other cultural products like American ballet. These arguments about the uniqueness of jazz to America are what ultimately attracted the State Department to the idea of turning domestic musicians into popular international ambassadors.

The Jazz Ambassadors Program

 Given the height of the jazz era in the mid-20th century, the fact that the United States government needed to shift from hard power to soft power tactics in the Cold War, and the uniqueness of jazz to America, the State Department essentially encountered the perfect conditions to create a government-sponsored cultural diplomacy program involving jazz. The program officially began in 1956, sent over 100 jazz acts to 89 countries over the course of multiple years, and featured everyone from big stars like Louis Armstrong, Dizzy Gillespie, and Dave Brubeck to lesser-known big bands.[16] Another convenient condition for the Jazz Ambassadors program was that it came at the crossroads of the popular bop and ‘cool jazz’ eras.[17] More notably, however, the program brought on musicians whose heyday was in the early Cold War such as Benny Goodman and Duke Ellington, rather than the more politically contentious musicians of the free jazz era in the late Cold War like John Coltrane, who would have been harder for the State Department to market as cultural diplomacy.[18] In short, a myriad of historical conditions came together to create an optimal scenario for a truly American soft power and cultural diplomacy initiative surrounding jazz, allowing dozens of musicians to take their music abroad.

The Jazz Ambassadors program itself began in 1956, but momentum for the program’s inception came a bit earlier from both Congressional voices as well as representatives from the United States Information Agency—the predecessor to today’s public diplomacy efforts—who were involved with Voice of America.[19] Arguably, the most notable person in this conversation was Willis Conover, who was the host of the “Music USA” show on Voice of America starting in 1955.[20] During the Cold War, Voice of America used shortwave radio in order to provide free, American-produced news and cultural programming to audiences behind the Iron Curtain and beyond.[21] Conover’s program often featured jazz music, seemingly in an effort to show that jazz was the sound of America.[22] Because of the shortwave format and the extensive effort that Voice of America put in to reach foreign audiences, “[t]here was little Soviet authorities could do to prevent ordinary people from sneakily listening to VOA Jazz Hour on radios behind closed doors.”[23] In a way, Conover’s efforts at Voice of America created an international audience of jazz fans, which set the foundation for the Jazz Ambassadors’ success because the musicians already had a fan base by the time they went overseas.[24] The other key figure in the year leading up to the Jazz Ambassadors’ inception was Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. He represented Harlem in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1945 until 1971, and was married at the time to Hazel Scott, a jazz pianist.[25] Both Powell Jr.’s prominence and knowledge of the issue and the popularity of Willis Conover’s radio program eventually convinced President Eisenhower to approve the funding for the Jazz Ambassadors program.[26]

Put simply, the reason the Jazz Ambassadors program worked so well as a cultural tool was because, in the words of Conover, jazz is “profoundly political.”[27] Part of the uniqueness of jazz is that many consider it to be a “way of life” that “guarantees each musician absolute freedom within a framework of cooperation.”[28] Therefore, jazz is very symbolic of democracy and American values because each musician is allowed to express themselves as an individual artist while also working within the constraints of a song and ensemble and making room for error. The musicians essentially “mirrored the diverse and imperfect fibers of American life.”[29] Additionally, classical music tends to be quire rigid while jazz tends to be more fluid, which emulated the message the United States was trying to send during the Cold War, seeing that public diplomacy efforts were aimed at categorizing the East as more rigid and the West as more fluid.[30] As aforementioned in the discussion of cultural diplomacy, these types of initiatives are intended to convey a message about the country from which they originate. Accordingly, the parallels between jazz and American values aided the success of the Jazz Ambassadors program.

When it came time for the Jazz Ambassadors themselves to begin touring, the State Department did not send the Ambassadors just anywhere. The State Department has no incentive to put any of its representatives in harm’s way—and to this day has an entire bureau dedicated to the security of its staff and affiliates abroad—but the United States was not sending the Jazz Ambassadors to locations where it already had longstanding allied relationships.[31] The Jazz Ambassadors were sent to places that mirrored “America’s more materialistic interests,” which during the Cold War meant they traveled to newly decolonized countries in Africa as well as took an expansive tour through the Middle East.[32] The State Department eventually sent musicians to Iran, Pakistan, and Syria, as well as places like Ghana and India, just to name a few.[33] The goal was to enter these locations and expose the audiences to American music and culture in a way that would softly persuade audiences to act more favorably toward American values rather than those of the Soviet Union. During these multi-country tours, the Jazz Ambassadors gave concerts, and despite being unsurprisingly under tight security while abroad, also built relationships and interacted with the foreign publics they performed for.[34] Another interesting component about the locations of the Jazz Ambassadors’ tours is that the “State Department support allowed the music to reach geopolitically strategic locations lacking real profit incentive.”[35] Put simply, from the musicians’ perspectives, the Jazz Ambassadors program allowed them to travel to places that would not have been feasible or profitable for them to travel to otherwise—despite the fact that they were officially representing the United States on behalf of a soft power mechanism. But as a whole, taking a look at where the State Department sent the Jazz Ambassadors and why they were sent to those places provides further insight into the political goals of the program.

The Jazz Ambassadors program had a strong foundation that set it up for success, especially given Eisenhower’s support, Willis Conover’s audience-building efforts, and political strategy efforts on the State Department’s part. But the real magic of the program came through the impact that it had on foreign audiences—a keystone of a successful cultural diplomacy effort. There is most definitely an argument present regarding cultural imperialism, seeing that the Jazz Ambassadors program as a whole did have an underlying motive about persuading foreign audiences, but most of the people on the receiving end of the program expressed appreciation for the jazz musicians and what they represented.[36] The Jazz Ambassadors program was also by no means intended to act as a replacement for the music indigenous to those places, unlike what the word ‘imperialism’ would imply.[37]

Descriptions of the concerts characterize the impact of the Jazz Ambassadors as quite powerful. One author stated that the “whole era of propaganda and demonization just evaporated in seconds” when the Jazz Ambassadors began to play.[38] Another said that even though jazz was a distinctly different sound compared to what many foreign audiences were accustomed to, over the course of the concert, the mutual understanding between audience and musician began to grow: “our musical languages are different, but with patience, we learned to understand each other. That is where the real magic occurred.”[39] Danielle Fosler-Lussier even went as far to characterize the Jazz Ambassadors program’s impact as reminiscent of Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities, stating that an “imagined community is developed on an international scale via fragmentary points of contact,” which connects to the Jazz Ambassadors program because the musicians tangentially connected every audience member to each other, illustrating the program’s ability to transcend cultural borders and boundaries.[40] Similarly, Hugo Berkeley concluded that the Jazz Ambassadors transcended the binary between the East and the West, as the jazz music managed to send a universal message—through its universal language—about music and internationalism because the musicians acted as both ambassadors for America as well as for jazz more generally.[41] The State Department to this day describes the Jazz Ambassadors’ work as “[telling] the American story in a way no policy or speech ever could.”[42] These testimonials and analyses are remarkably consistent among each other, bolstering the argument for the program’s success.

Overall, from the State Department’s perspective, as well as that of many others, there was a general sentiment that the Jazz Ambassadors program paved the way for cultural sharing through jazz. They “hoped that showcasing popular American music around the globe would not only introduce audiences to American culture, but also win them over as ideological allies in the Cold War.”[43] The overarching ideas was that through the many metaphors that existed between jazz and American values, such as freedom, joy, improvisation, and creativity, the Jazz Ambassadors would be able to softly influence the hearts and minds of foreign publics who may not be acquainted with these values or American music.[44] Additionally, while arguments about the intrinsic motives about cultural diplomacy, soft power, and imperialism are indeed present in the discussion about the Jazz Ambassadors program, there is still a stronger argument for the ability of cultural exchange, through emotions and connection, to diffuse conflict and create mutual understanding. The general consensus about the Jazz Ambassadors program is that the program most definitely fits under the latter of those two arguments, especially given the early efforts by Willis Conover as well as the sentiments expressed about the program today.

The Issue of Race and Program Aftermath

Through the eyes of the State Department, the Jazz Ambassadors program was a rousing success, but from the perspective of the musicians themselves, defining success is a bit more complicated due to the social climate at the time in regard to civil rights. William “Brother” Woodman, Jr., a Black jazz musician out of Los Angeles, provides an account in an oral history that is encompassing of what the racial climate at the time was like in relation to music:

“At the [local jazz club] people were coming in, the place began to pack, and they had ‘reserved’ signs on almost all the tables. I wondered about that within myself. White people would come in. It was packed every night. Then the blacks would be coming in, and they’d turn them away. And that really got to me. So I went to [my friend]. I said, ‘Man, did you see those colored people?’ ‘Yeah, man. I don’t like it, either, but there ain’t nothing you can do about it.’”[45]

In short, the racial climate in America, even in relation to jazz, which was supposed to be a safe space for Black musicians, was not amicable by any means.

Most of the headliner Jazz Ambassadors themselves were Black, and in essence, the State Department was asking the Jazz Ambassadors to represent a country where segregation and overt racial discrimination were rampant.[46] The musicians “continuously grappled with deep contradictions that arose from showcasing the supposed freedom and egalitarianism of a country that still treated [them] with a mixture of derision, disdain, and outright hatred.”[47] That being said, anecdotal evidence shows that foreign audiences simply saw the musicians as Americans—rather than Black Americans—while abroad.[48] When the State Department brought on star trumpeter Dizzy Gillespie as one of the first official Jazz Ambassadors and asked him to come in for a pre-tour briefing presumably covering civil rights, he was notably quoted saying, “I’ve had 300 years of briefing. I know what they’ve done to us.”[49] On one hand, the Jazz Ambassadors program provided a phenomenal, unique opportunity for the musicians to visit concealed corners of the world and share their music with audiences they would have never had the opportunity to otherwise, but on the other, they were not guaranteed the values they represented, like inclusion, tolerance, and respect, back home in the United States.

While there was a disconnect between the race relations at home versus what the Jazz Ambassadors represented abroad, part of the program’s success on this front was the lack of censorship on the part of the State Department. Many of the Jazz Ambassadors’ tunes surrounded issues of race and equality.[50] The State Department could have very easily put regulations on the Jazz Ambassadors’ musical programming, but they ultimately erred on the side of artistic freedom, which gave the musicians both a platform for their views as well as leverage for the U.S. government because foreign audiences would be able to see firsthand how the United States values free speech.[51] The effect of this decision was that these tunes, which directly addressed contentious social topics in the United States, ended up resonating with the audiences in other countries who were also experiencing a struggle to end discrimination and usher in true independence themselves.[52] By allowing and even encouraging the musicians to play the music that meant the most to them while on tour, “the State Department [was] persuaded that the jazz performers who were spearheading the civil rights movement would help generate a positive image of the U.S. to newly independent nations.” [53] This fact is exhibitory of the program’s success because the aforementioned values that were not necessarily present domestically were present through the State Department’s decisions surrounding the Jazz Ambassadors’ programming abroad. Furthermore, the lack of censorship from American cultural diplomacy provided a strong contrast to the censorship-heavy propaganda efforts on the part of the Soviet Union.

Another key fact about the Jazz Ambassadors program in regard to race relations that was both controversial and beneficial for the program was that the jazz bands themselves were integrated, not segregated. Adam Clayton Powell Jr., the Black Congressman who backed the program from its inception, believed that the integrated bands were vital to the cultural diplomacy effort as a whole; in essence, the integrated bands could act as both a way to spur important discussions about race while on tour, but also act as a blueprint for what America should be and set an example for the rest of the world.[54] The integrated bands were also beneficial to the State Department because the Soviet Union had a habit of weaponizing the racial issues within the United States, but with the integrated Jazz Ambassadors, the State Department could provide to the rest of the world a tangible example of people of different races working together to create beautiful music.[55]

Though the integration received a significant amount of “venomous backlash” from domestic conservatives, another positive outcome of the Jazz Ambassadors program was that it helped usher in the Civil Rights era in the 1960s.[56] The Jazz Ambassadors program was a unique, free speech-oriented collaboration between the U.S. government and some of its most outspoken citizens. When Louis Armstrong and his band were scheduled to tour the Soviet Union in 1957—at the height of the civil rights crisis in Little Rock—he actually ended up cancelling the tour so he could attend the protests there.[57] At first, this seems like a risky decision on Armstrong’s part, especially given the fact that foreign audiences loved Armstrong’s exuberant performances, but over the course of the Jazz Ambassadors program, the State Department was sympathetic to these sorts of actions and Armstrong was invited back for future tours.[58] Dizzy Gillespie was even a member of the Communist Party at one point, so the fact that the State Department selected him to represent America in a program that was directly designed to counter communist propaganda says a great deal about their commitment to the effort and free speech.[59] These instances are emblematic of the example that the State Department was trying to set about their commitment to free speech and support of positive race relations, which many agree was significant in pushing the civil rights movement forward when John F. Kennedy was elected in 1960.[60] In other words, the Jazz Ambassadors had a significant domestic impact as well as internationally.

The impact of the Jazz Ambassadors program was not lost on the musicians themselves. In fact, several of them even felt that they were the “real ambassadors” compared to their political appointee counterparts abroad.[61] The phrase “real ambassadors” stems from an incident Louis Armstrong encountered on tour, where he was once mistaken for an actual U.S. Ambassador instead of a Jazz Ambassador.[62] This incident was quite emblematic of the program’s impact on its musicians. While the musicians knew that the chance to travel was a tremendous opportunity and would help them broaden their approach to their own art, as seen through Duke Ellington’s “Far East Suite” composition, they did feel like the State Department took advantage of them in some ways.[63] Essentially, even though cultural diplomacy efforts usually always require bringing in outside personnel or artists, the Jazz Ambassadors seemed to feel like to some extent that there was a large weight on their backs in terms of the message they were supposed to send, and that the burden of conveying the American ideals was ultimately on them and not on the State Department. However, in hindsight, the musicians seemed grateful for the opportunity. Some later album liner notes by Dave Brubeck’s wife, Iola, stated that “the entire jazz community was elated with the official recognition of jazz” and that the program “gave the musicians a reason to be on stage,” both of which are very positive sentiments, despite the occasional bitter feelings toward the State Department as a whole.[64] An important caveat about these anecdotes is that not everybody had a sense of resentment or that they were the “real ambassadors”—namely Dizzy Gillespie’s drummer, who once said, “I never thought of myself of an ambassador,” just a musician—but clearly, others like Armstrong and Brubeck felt quite strongly about the program and their role.

The “real ambassadors” concept actually prompted Dave and Iola Brubeck to write an entire musical about it. The musical, aptly titled “The Real Ambassadors,” was written in 1961 and premiered in 1962 at the Monterey Jazz Festival in California.[65] Iola was very keen about the idea of jazz being on Broadway, seemingly in an effort to popularize the genre almost a decade after the big band era, and she and her husband both felt that the storyline of the Jazz Ambassadors program was a relevant, timely narrative to tell to a broader domestic audience.[66] Though the musical never made it to Broadway itself, it starred Louis Armstrong as himself, as well as Armstrong’s band and a few other jazz musicians who were not officially Jazz Ambassadors.[67] Iola felt that Armstrong was a “natural” for the role, not only because he was actually part of the program, but because he was beloved by many and truly put his own spin on his work.[68]

The musical itself contains a multitude of jazz styles, covering everything from more traditional swing tunes to bebop to slow ballads. Several tunes on the album are indicative of what the Brubecks were trying to convey about the Jazz Ambassadors program, such as songs titled “Everybody’s Coming,” “Cultural Exchange” and “Remember Who You Are,” but other tunes seem aimed at pleasing popular audiences, as their lyrics focus mainly on romance.[69] “Everybody’s Coming” is a bright, swung tune that reeks of excitement and anticipation, supposedly illustrating the popularity and hype that the Jazz Ambassadors received over the course of their tours.[70] “Cultural Exchange” and “Remember Who You Are,” while taking on very different styles, are the tunes that are most indicative of the Brubecks’ intent with the musical. “Cultural Exchange” is bright and upbeat, but is actually supposed to represent how the musicians would satirize the idea of cultural exchange while on tour, alluding to their aforementioned bitterness.[71] “Remember Who You Are” is in a minor key and feels notably more solemn than the other tunes mentioned, and its lyrics evoke reflections about how the Jazz Ambassadors no longer felt like individuals in some ways after they joined the program—they were representatives of the United States, regardless of how flawed or ironic the country’s policies were at the time.[72] The musical overall, despite being relatively obscure and never quite reaching as wide of an American audience as the Jazz Ambassadors’ foreign audiences, still provides many clues as to how the Jazz Ambassadors viewed their time abroad.

The immediate program aftermath included musical works such as the Brubecks’ “The Real Ambassadors” and Ellington’s “Far East Suite,” but the long-ranging program aftermath included both musical influences abroad as well as a clear foundation for future State Department musical diplomacy initiatives. For instance, there is evidence that the Jazz Ambassadors’ visits to Pakistan have influenced Pakistani culture today, seeing that Pakistani musicians during the Cold War took some of the motifs of the American jazz music and made it into something uniquely their own.[73] In certain progressive jazz scenes in Pakistan today, the impact of the Jazz Ambassadors program is still visible.[74] The Jazz Ambassadors program also created never-before-seen interactions between the Pakistani film industry and its jazz scene because both arenas were places in which artists could experiment.[75] This is just one specific example, but it shows how cultural diplomacy efforts can create instances of cultural appreciation and mixing that evolve and stay within a country for years to come.[76]

The Jazz Ambassadors program also influences American cultural diplomacy efforts to this day. Even though the program has undergone a rebranding and is now called American Music Abroad, the broader goals of this program largely remain the same as those of the Jazz Ambassadors: “fostering mutual understanding,” “extending the reach and range of traditional diplomacy,” “serving as an alternative mechanism for policy dialogue,” “targeting and reaching key audiences,” and “providing musicians with opportunities.”[77] The same evaluation report that outlines the goals of the American Music Abroad program discusses how the musical diplomacy is highly regarded by both Department of State employees as well as the musicians themselves and how popular they are abroad.[78] The Jazz Ambassadors program also essentially paved the way for initiatives like an American children’s choir performing with a predominantly Muslim children’s choir in Cambodia, as well as an initiative in Oman where American musicians performed separate concerts for men and women in accordance with Muslim customs.[79] Given these sentiments, it is valid to assert at least a light cause-and-effect relationship between the success of the Jazz Ambassadors program and the willingness on the part of the State Department to continue funding these types of programs today. In other words, if the Jazz Ambassadors program had been a complete bust, it would have set a very different tone for possible future musical diplomacy initiatives and their prospects for success.

The discussion of racial relations as it pertains to the Jazz Ambassadors along with how the musicians themselves viewed the program and its outcomes seem at first to cloud the picture that the Jazz Ambassadors program was a success. However, the fact that foreign audiences saw the Jazz Ambassadors as simply American citizens who were given the opportunity to share their art with the world—on behalf of democracy—is still significant and is ultimately a net positive. The role that the program played in ushering in the Civil Rights era, particularly through the integrated bands and tunes that focused on issues of oppression, race, and equality, should not be overlooked. As seen in the case of Pakistan, the Jazz Ambassadors formed connections with their audiences that have influenced their audiences’ music to this day, and in the case of the United States, the program created a strong foundation for the modern-day American Music Abroad program. Combined, the short-term and long-term aftermath illustrates the ultimate strength and success of the Jazz Ambassadors program.

 

Conclusion

 It is no accident that scholars like Cynthia Schneider emphasize that in ideas-based conflicts like the Cold War, culture matters.[80] These conflicts go beyond the “political realm of treaties and international relations,” and instead result in situations where cultural values and ideas among these countries’ citizens prevail.[81] This sentiment is why the United States chose to so strongly invest in its cultural diplomacy effort during the Cold War, and created the Jazz Ambassadors program—they believed that by tapping into an immensely popular cultural resource, they could effectively communicate America’s values in a way that was citizen-to-citizen, and separated culture from policy. Moreover, the State Department, much to Willis Conover’s credit, recognized the “intangible qualities” that allowed jazz to be such a uniquely American cultural tool, and one that was a “meaningful symbol of freedom” to boot.[82] Conover was once quoted saying that jazz is “a musical reflection of the way things happen in America” due to the way the musicians “agree on tempo, key, and chord structure” but are free to improvise and express themselves otherwise.[83] Through their music, the Jazz Ambassadors evoked the ideals of free speech and free expression that directly countered the propaganda coming out of the Soviet Union. Even if jazz’s domestic audiences did not pick up on the metaphor, Conover argued that foreign audiences “can feel this element of freedom” present in the music, a statement which is very emblematic of the way in which the program met its goals in pushing against the Soviet Union culturally.[84]

The lack of censorship on the part of the State Department was intrinsic to the program’s success. Schneider perhaps states it best: “[t]hat the United States permitted critical voices as part of government-sponsored performances and emissaries astonished audiences everywhere.”[85] Culture is known to persuade via mechanisms like music and through other cultural products. Because the Jazz Ambassadors were allowed to freely present their art to the world without fear of censorship or retribution by their own government, it aided the success of the program because it could assure foreign audiences that what they were viewing and listening to was authentically American, rather than censored in any way. While of course many of the Jazz Ambassadors did not experience such freedoms on American soil given the presence of segregation and other exhibitions of systemic racism, the programming abroad could set the example for future policy change at home.

The Cold War provided an opening for the United States to rethink its diplomacy, and particularly its soft power initiatives in a way that could persuade and educate foreign audiences in a positive way, and that is exactly what the Jazz Ambassadors did. The original goal of the program was to use the universal languages of music and jazz to communicate American culture and ideals to foreign audiences. No soft power diplomacy initiative is perfect, but the Jazz Ambassadors program came about at the right time; the State Department needed a cultural product that was universally understandable, impactful, and representative of American values and ideas. The Jazz Ambassadors fit the bill, and through their immensely popular worldwide tours and longstanding impact they had on audiences, the program sincerely met its goals of communicating America to the world.

 

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Berkeley, Hugo. “‘The Jazz Ambassadors’: Cold War Diplomacy and Civil Rights In Conflict.” Interview by Michele Martin. NPR. Last modified May 5, 2018. https://www.npr.org/2018/05/05/608802931/-the-jazz-ambassadors-cold-war-diplomacy-and-civil-rights-in-conflict

Berkeley, Hugo. “When America’s Hottest Jazz Stars Were Sent to Cool Cold War Tensions.”

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Gerald Wilson, and Marl Young, eds. Central Avenue Sounds: Jazz in Los Angeles. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1998.

Cox, Sunsariay, and J.P. Jenks. “Jazz Diplomacy: Then and Now.” United States Department of State. Last modified April 30, 2021. https://www.state.gov/dipnote-u-s-department-of-state-official-blog/jazz-diplomacy-then-and-now.

Coyne, Rebecca E. “The Jazz Ambassadors: Intersections of American Foreign Power and Black Artistry in Duke Ellington’s Far East Suite.” Inquiries Journal 13, no. 5 (2021).

Cull, Nicholas J. Public Diplomacy: Foundations for Global Engagement in the Digital Age. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2019.

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JaeMin Chu’s Strasser Winning Essay!

Stoic Depictions in the Works of Salvator Rosa

Abstract:

        This paper explores how the works of Salvator Rosa reflect the Neo-Stoic movement of the Italian Late-Renaissance and Baroque. The Neo-Stoic movement was characterized by the rise of the Neo-Classical movement. Influences from Antiquity guided these movements, and artists, philosophers, and writers alike utilized Ancient Roman thought in their work. Salvator Rosa, a self-proclaimed Neo-Stoic, created art to make powerful statements about the dangers of excessive wealth, unchecked power, and inequal opportunity in the art world. Specific works from the career of Rosa will be surveyed to analyze the intent, message, and influence of Stoicism of 17th and 18th Century Italy.

 

Stoicism and its principles have been influential in a variety of disciplines. The foundational values of morality, self-control, and reason, appeal to many who believe these qualities lead to a better life. The creation of art is no exception. Artists, particularly those of the Neo-Stoic intellectual movement, looked to Antiquity to guide them. Late Renaissance and Baroque artists integrated traditional Stoic thought and allusions to ancient Rome into their work as to convey their appreciation for their favorite Stoic writers. But beyond the recognition of the Stoic thought was a desire to criticize the social structures that preached the conflicting values of Stoicism: excessive wealth, attachment to material commodities, and unjust use of power. The Stoic and painter Salvator Rosa is the ultimate example of these artists. His references to Seneca and antiquity were meant to provoke the papal power and call attention to the importance of Stoic principles. In this paper, I will argue that the Italian Baroque painter Salvator Rosa expressed his appreciation for Stoic philosophy in his art, which he used to oppose the patronage of the arts and excessive wealth of the Catholic Church.

 

In the Late Renaissance period of Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries, the revival of Stoicism, in the form of the intellectual movement of Neo-Stoicism, had become an attempt to reintroduce the ideas of the Ancient Roman philosophy in a way that was more conducive to Christianity. Neo-Stoicism was a “reconciliation of the virtuous life of Stoic Philosophy with Christian Virtue” (Carr 104) and emphasized the importance of self-reliance, the pursuit of virtue, and the rejection of wealth and earthy comforts to instead adopt a lifestyle of simplicity and harmony with nature. The new Stoic of philosophy was a blending of the concepts of Christianity (the most prominent followers of the time being Peter Paul Reubens, Nicholas, Poussin, and of course, the most outspoken of them all, Salvator Rosa). These artists adhered to the model of Neo-Stoicism: the forbearance against the vastitude of fortune.

 

Rosa, a gifted artist since an early age, did not grow up wealthy or from a particularly impressive background. His Neapolitan family worked hard to barely maintain the respectability attached to their family name. He trained in his home of Naples and eventually worked in Rome and established himself in Florence. The author and art historian Richard W. Wallace explains much of Rosa’s attitude towards the subjects of his art. With all his talent, he was attracted to a simple lifestyle, possibly because he grew up with one, and did not tolerate many of the vices of human nature:

Salvator Rosa was fond of expressing gloomy and pessimistic thoughts about man and man’s vainglorious achievements, and in a precociously romantic fashion he seems to have yearned for the simple honest life of the peasant, monk, and hermit. Evidence of this can be seen in his professed Stoicism, in his bitter satires against the folies of his age, in many of his paintings, and in his letters… (Wallace 432).

Rosa’s values align with Stoic philosophy and this insight into his preferred lifestyle and attitudes are the context for his esteem of Roman philosophy. His respect of Stoicism soon makes its way into his art, “…many of Rosa’s works, such as the paintings and etchings of the stories of Cincinnatus, Diogenes, and Atilius Regulus emphasize the dignity and satisfactions of a life of simplicity, virtue, self-denial, and honesty, and testify to Rosa’s Stoic beliefs” (Wallace 432). Rosa starts integrating his art and his beliefs in ways that build upon each other. The existence of both aspects in one area bolsters their respective significance.

 

The earliest of the works I will analyze is Rosa’s Self Portrait as Allegory of Philosophy (Figure 1) from 1640, where he begins to play with the ideas of Stoicism in his art. Rosa portrays himself as resigned, he looks off to the side and we look up at him as the eye level is way below. His profile is sharply delineated against the sky, and he stands out. In his hand, he seems to hold a tombstone with the Latin: “Aut Tace Aut Loquere Meliora Silentio.” This translates roughly to “If to stay silent or to speak, it is better to stay silent.” The Latin inscription can be seen as a Stoic reference. Rather than engaging in objection, self-control over your words and actions is always more effective. The Stoics emphasized the importance of self-control to overcome destructive emotions as well as to detach yourself from external forces that could cause you pain and suffering. A similar concept can be traced back to Epictitus’ Enchiridion, a handbook for life by a famous Stoic. At the beginning of Chapter 33 he encourages the reader to use as few words as possible, “Let silence be your goal for the most part; say only what is necessary, and be brief about it” (Epictetus 33.2). Rosa’s and Epictetus’ message is essentially the same: listen rather than speak. There is an emphasis on intention and meaning. When you speak, there should be greater importance to your words, and the goal should not be hearing your own voice but saying something because it has a purpose. Stoicism’s recommendation to stay silent connects to a deeper idea of detaching yourself from an inflated sense of self-worth, a narcissism that can cause you suffering.

 

Another work of art with many references to Stoicism is his Self Portrait with Skull (Figure 2).. This work is made in 1647, a bit later in his career. Here, Rosa looks even more resigned and thoughtful that the painting 7 years earlier. This time he looks down and is engaged with the skull in his hands. He writes on the skull in Greek, “Behold, whither, when.” The scholar Wendy Wassyng Roworth argues this inscription “reflects Rosa’s interest in Stoic moral philosophy as the basis for contemplation and resignation in the face of death” (Roworth 103). The inscription mimics the lines created by the separate plates you would usually find on the skull. He is handling the skull, evoking a sense of touch. This handling can be interpreted as contemplation of his own death, a theme in art known as memento mori, translated to English as “remember, you must die.” His act of writing on the actual skull may mean that the written word supersedes the vanity of his own life. Rosa contemplates his death but also the nature of his own artistic inspiration. Another symbol of mortality, the Cypress leaves make up a wreath on Rosa’s head, along with his dark clothes and solemn expression create an atmosphere of deep thought and contemplation (Roworth). On the piece of paper to the left of the skull there is a signature and dedication: “Salvator Rosa dipinse nell’Eremo e dono a Gio Batt Ricciardi suo Amico,” translated to, “Salvator Rosa painted this in a solitary place and gave it to his friend Giovanni Battista Ricciard.” This solitary place could possibly be a monastery, but whatever the actual solitary retreat was, literal or figurative, it reflects the contemplative and solitary nature of the painting. The subject of death is commonly dealt with by Stoics and the advice presented by Stoic writers is not to fear death, as it is inevitable and natural. Death is the most certain part of our existence.

 

The most notable reference to Stoicism was found after a cleaning of the painting. Originally the name Seneca was painted onto the spine of the book. For whatever reason it was painted over, however the fact that it was there could be how the artist was thinking of his own notion of a submission to stoicism. Seneca was a real-world example of what the Neo-Stoics praised: a man who stands by his convictions no matter the hardship. This subject will reappear in later works. Seneca was cruelly ordered to kill himself by Nero and, instead of defending his innocence when accused of taking part in a conspiracy against Nero, he subjects himself to Nero’s torturous demands and bleeds to death from the ankles in his bathtub. The writings and story of Seneca seem to have deeply impacted Salvator Rosa as he continues to weave narratives of Ancient Roman people he looks up to.

 

Much like the admiration Salvator Rosa had for Seneca, Atilius Regulus was an inspirational figure to Rosa who had courage of his convictions and a strong moral compass. The Death Atilius Regulus (Figure 3) was a part of a collection of engravings done in 1662, some of which, including this one, he would make into paintings. This was essentially a depiction for his reverence of Atilius Regulus and shows a popular story among Neo-stoics. This painting perfectly exemplifies Rosa’s integration of Ancient Roman subjects in his art to convey the ideas of Stoicism:

…Rosa characteristically chose to exploit the sensational possibilities of his subject… The brutal executioners, whose Bamboccio – like coarseness is well suited to the grim task they perform, the strong raking light, striking high- lights and brooding shadows all evoke the savage cruelty of Regulus’s martyrdom with great dramatic force, and imbue the picture with the somber moodiness so characteristic of Rosa’s art. The Death of Atilius Regulus is thus firmly rooted in the Roman tradition of grand history painting which Rosa admired so much… (Wallace 397)

This topic was most likely chosen by Rosa because of how Stoic philosophers regarded the topic. “Cicero, who would have been one of the most appealing of all ancient authors to the Stoically inclined Rosa, refers to Regulus as an example of fearlessness, tranquility, dignity, and honour, and as a man who, because of these qualities, was able to rise above misfortune” (Wallace 396). Regulus, a General in the first Punic war, was defeated and captured by the Carthaginians. On the condition that he convinced the Romans to negotiate, Regulus would be set free, but instead of prioritizing his own safety, he urged the Romans to not accept their deal, and returned to the Carthaginians to be tortured and mercilessly murdered. Rosa depicts the moment where the Roman consul is trapped in a nail studded barrel for torture. The intense sight of the death of Regulus is a statement from Rosa on virtue, “The death of Regulus was thus both a grisly spectacle, whose savage horror had a strong appeal to romantic tastes, and also, more important, a striking example of courage, honesty, and calm acceptance of misfortune, qualities which were of great importance to Stoic thinking” (Wallace 395). What Wallace references is how Regulus was a model of Roman Virtus, or Civic Virtue, to the 17th century Italian humanists and artists. They believed the forbearance and acceptance of one’s faith signaled high morality.  This virtue denoted valor and excellence and sums up why Rosa and other stoics admired Regulus for his conviction not to surrender, but to accept his fate. Thus, the life of Atilius Regulus became an important story for stoics.

 

The other subject matter of the engravings made in 1668 were the Stories of Diogenes of Sinope in Plutarch’s Parallel Lives. The humorous stories of Diogenes are Ancient Roman references. Diogenes, from the school of Cynics, were influential to the original Stoic movement, as well as the Neo-Stoics of the Late Renaissance. The Stoics believed in concept of self-reliance. The idea was to have very few material possessions. In Diogenes and Alexander (Figure 4), Diogenes is visited by Alexander the Great in the forest. He asks Diogenes if there was anything Alexander could do for him, but Diogenes responds by asking him to move, as he was blocking his sun. In Diogenes Casting Away His Bowl (Figure 5), Diogenes announces to his fellow Stoics that his possessions are unnecessary. The only thing he needed was a bowl to drink water from. On the journey, his servant declares that he is thirsty, and he dips his hand into the river and drinks from his cupped hands. Diogenes, realizing he does not even need the vessel, casts away his bowl. These tales show Diogenes’ entertaining nature, but more importantly show Rosa’s emotional investment on the importance of detaching oneself from material possessions and unnecessary wealth.

 

Towards the end of his career, Rosa painted the Allegory of Fortune (Figure 6), a scandalous work of art that was perceived as a direct attack on Pope Alexander VII and the patronage of art (Roworth). It was exhibited at the Festa di San Giuseppe in front of the Pantheon in 1659, against the advice of many, and if not for the intervention of Flavio Chigi, brother to Alexander VII, who bought the painting and protected the artist from charges of libel, Rosa would have been arrested and brought to prison for the scandalous nature of the work. The seriousness of Rosa’s subject was known immediately to all the views of the exhibition. Lady Morgan described the scene:

The Roman people, with all the shrewdness of discontent, caught the spirit of “ La Fortuna,” and applied its satire with admirable quickness. Their praises amounted to vociferations, and they elevated the painter to the dignity of their champion. The powerful members of the community, thus awakened, saw only in this sarcastic picture a libel (Morgan 18).

The painting’s subject is Fortune. Typically depicted with a blindfold to convey the randomness of fortune, she does not wear it here to show her actions are deliberate. Rosa is rejecting a world where favors are given through corruption and simony on those least deserving. Fortune is emptying the cornucopia in her hands, which should be kept upwards to prevent the riches from falling out, but instead the cornucopia is turned upside-down to squander wealth, status, fame, and the objects rain down on the animals below. The sow, donkey, eagle, animals usually associated with the four evangelists, is a biblical reference. Rosa is saying that wealth and commodities are ruining religion. The Lamb is also a religious allusion. With the donkey, Rosa takes an opportunity to make a joke of Alexander VII and place religious robes on the donkey, a clear dig of an “ass” wearing cardinal robes. Almost escaping notice, an owl is obstructed by the Donkey. In its traditional symbolism the Owl is represents wisdom, and here, the Owl is hidden in darkness, occluded by the donkey in the cardinal’s robe, a clear criticism of what Rosa sees as the relationship between wisdom and the catholic church. In the foreground an Eagle shot through with an arrow, a symbol of the Borghese family and their injured imperial power. The crown that should be on fortunes head, falls. Coins fall everywhere and the beasts stomp on them along with attributes of art, music and learning: an Artists pallet, books, and tools. This imagery reflects how the church has rejected meritocracy of artists in patronage, as most of the patronage was led by nepotism and there was no equality. In this way, Rosa is also rejecting the idea of being praised and overvalued, he is turning up his nose to whole system of papal and cardinal patronage. This performance of riches falling out of the cornucopia represents extravagance, the unwise allocation of money, and the pope or cardinals who manipulated the success of artists they commissioned.

 

Rosa commonly uses satire to criticize. He believed the Church to be commissioning images that were not moral or just, and “…he blame[ed] the decline of the art on the low standards, dishonesty, and lack of morality among painters and their patrons” (Roworth 611). The subjects, focusing on sensual pleasure and un-religious subjects, were commissioned by the church and therefore shameful:

He criticizes the portrayal of lewd and lascivious subjects, such as the loves of the gods, especially when shown in impossible postures, twisted and crudely grimacing with sensual pleasure. These shameful representations, he remarks – Medusa and Harpies instead of chaste Mary and Angels – profane the homes of princely patrons. Rosa vigorously attacks these patrons, especially the clergy, for ignorance, arrogance, and hypocrisy in desiring such indecent pictures (Roworth 611-612).

Rosa’s scathing commentary on wealth and power was accompanied by personal criticisms and assertions of the importance of Stoic values. He was an outspoken critic of the subject matter, patronage, and hypocrisy of the way the church handled art.

 

One can make the argument that Salvator Rosa’s displeasure of the papacy and fervent attacks on the Catholic Church were less about his moral campaign and admiration of Stoicism, and more about the lack of recognition he had received as an artist. Rosa led his life constantly angry and frustrated by the underwhelming reaction from buyers for his art and the absence of patronage from the church. He was not an artist ever commissioned to make art with the support of the Pope, who were of course known as the most famous and successful artists of the time period. He struggled throughout his whole career to gain the appreciation he thought he deserved.

 

One only needs to look toward Rosa’s Death of Regulus to catch a glimpse of the struggle he had finding buyers for his art. Infinitely proud of this work, it wasn’t looked at the same way he did. Rosa wanted to be thought of as a great painter of biblical and historical allusion, but he always fell short to painters like Michelangelo, and Titian, “Although he was most admired even in his own day for his landscapes, he often showed a violent resentment of this reputation and went to great lengths to proclaim that he was above all a painter of histories, mythologies, allegories and religious pictures” (Wallace 395). This is evidence of how little recognition he had in that particular field, which could lead us to believe that his critique of the Church was more personal, than moral. Rosa’s depiction of Pope Alexander in Allegory of Fortune was meant to poke fun at the pope and cardinal and their choice of patronage. He makes a reference in the Allegory of Fortune of a pig stepping on a Rose, meaning to say that he is treated unjustly by the church. A reference like this is direct and personal, showing how much he cared about how his reputation wasn’t taking off.

 

However, while Rosa’s insistence on making a statement and targeting the papacy may have been fueled by the lack of recognition he received, the art he created was still heavily influenced by philosophy and his stoic beliefs aided him to add subliminal messages to his art about the importance of virtue, self-reliance, and courage. The fact that he was mildly obsessed with his own fame did not detract from the validity of the arguments made against the church.

 

Another argument to consider is that Salvator Rosa was not always know to be the best practitioner of stoicism. He sometimes enjoyed the finer things in life and was often known to have a taste for drama:

            A stoic upon principle, but a voluptuary by temperament, Salvator endeavoured to assimilate opinions and tastes so little in accordance. Scarcely escaped from penury and absolute want, he already began to find “Le superflu, chose très nécessaire.” His dress became as remarkable for its studied elegance, as it was affectedly free from the showy splendour of that ostentatious age. “It was a fine sight (says his friend Baldinucci) to see him pass along the streets of Rome, with a certain dignified deportment, followed by a servant with a silver-hafted sword, while all who met him gave way to him” (Morgan 303).

“Le superflu, chose très nécessaire” Translates to “the superfluous, a very necessary thing,” meaning that his criticism of attachment on material things may have been hypocritical. He could have gotten caught up in money. However, even if Rosa likes the occasional elegant suit or superfluous sword, the argument loses traction after hearing that his alignment to stoic principals was sometimes so intense that it may have been annoying:

Salvator, who by temperament was an Epicurean, was on system a Stoic; and even many of his profession and country, who might have pardoned his genius and his successes, never forgave him that rigid morality, those severe unbending principles, which in his precepts and his example shamed the vices of his contemporaries, while they secured him the respect of the first and best men of his age (Morgan 109).

Rosa was respected by many for his for his adherence to stoic values and principals and the practice of Stoicism in your life is still valid if you continue working on it, it does not need to be perfect.

 

Salvator Rosa’s extensive works of art that deal with Stoic subjects correlate to his love and admiration of Stoicism and his distaste for the ugliness of the Catholic Church during the time. Rosa looked to ancient philosophy to justify his life and he truly attempted to live a just and moral one. He successfully created masterpieces that teach many through references to antiquity and his thought-provoking style creates lasting lessons in his art. philosophy’s overall impact on art can be acknowledged through the hard work of artists like Salvator Rosa.

 

Works Cited

Carr, Dawson W. “Ecstasy in the Wilderness: Pier Francesco Mola’s.” The J. Paul Getty Museum Journal, vol. 19, J. Paul Getty Trust, 1991, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4166615.

Epictetus, and Robert Dobbin (trans). Discourses and selected writings. Penguin UK, 2008.

Morgan, Lady. The Life and Times of Salvator Rosa. London, Printed for Henry Colburn, New Burlington Street, 1824

Rosa, Salvator. Allegory of Fortune. 1658-1659, Oil on canvas; J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu, CA.

Rosa, Salvator. Diogenes and Alexander. 1662, Etching.

Rosa, Salvator. Diogenes casting away his bowl. 1662, Etching.

Rosa, Salvator. The Death of Regulus. 1662, Etching.

Rosa, Salvator. Self-Portrait as Allegory of Philosophy. 1640, Oil on canvas, National Gallery, London.

Rosa, Salvator. Self-Portrait with Skull. 1647, Oil on canvas; The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

Roworth, Wendy Wassyng. “A Date for Salvator Rosa’s Satire on Painting and the Bamboccianti in Rome.” The Art Bulletin, vol. 63, no. 4, [Taylor & Francis, Ltd., College Art Association], 1981, pp. 611–17, https://doi.org/10.2307/3050166.

Roworth, Wendy Wassyng. “The Consolations of Friendship: Salvator Rosa’s Self-Portrait for Giovanni Battista Ricciardi.” Metropolitan Museum Journal, vol. 23, [University of Chicago Press, Metropolitan Museum of Art], 1988, pp. 103–24, https://doi.org/10.2307/1512850.

Roworth, Wendy. “Salvator Rosa’s Lost Painting of ‘Fortuna.’” The Burlington Magazine, vol. 117, no. 871, The Burlington Magazine Publications Ltd., 1975, pp. 663–662, http://www.jstor.org/stable/878159.

Sellars, John. “Neo-stoicism.” Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy, ISSN 2161-0002, https://iep.utm.edu/, Accessed 14 Nov. 2021.

Wallace, Richard W. “Salvator Rosa’s ‘Death of Atilius Regulus.’” The Burlington Magazine, vol. 109, no. 772, The Burlington Magazine Publications Ltd., 1967, pp. 395–394, http://www.jstor.org/stable/875353.

Wallace, Richard W. “Salvator Rosa’s Justice Appearing to the Peasants.” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, vol. 30, Warburg Institute, 1967, pp. 431–34, https://doi.org/10.2F307/750764.

 

Figure 1: Rosa, Salvator. Self-Portrait as Allegory of Philosophy. 1640, Oil on canvas, National Gallery, London.

Figure 2: Rosa, Salvator. Self-Portrait with Skull. 1647, Oil on canvas; The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

Figure 3: Rosa, Salvator. The Death of Regulus. 1662, Etching.

Figure 4: Rosa, Salvator. Diogenes and Alexander. 1662, Etching.

Figure 5: Rosa, Salvator. Diogenes casting away his bowl. 1662, Etching.

Figure 6: Rosa, Salvator. Allegory of Fortune. 1658-1659, Oil on canvas; J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu, CA.

Fall 2023 Registration Guide

It’s almost time to register! To help prepare, check out these tips and reminders.

Early Registration Date: Friday, April 14th @ 9AM-11:59PM EST

Early registration is for your 2nd, 3rd, and 4th semesters!

Regular Registration Schedule

Priority Registration

Date Day Category Eligible
April 13 – Aug 23 All Degree-Seeking Graduate Students

Undergraduate Students:

April 17 Monday 90 or more credits earned

(use your transcript to find your total credits)

April 18 Tuesday 70 or more credits earned

(use your transcript to find your total credits)

April 19 Wednesday 50 or more credits earned

(use your transcript to find your total credits)

April 20 Thursday 30 or more credits earned

(use your transcript to find your total credits)

April 21 Friday 0 or more credits earned

(use your transcript to find your total credits)

If you’re not sure when you register, you can check your earned credit hours in GWeb using the following path: Student Records & Registration Menu > Student Records Information Menu > Transcripts > View Unofficial Transcripts. Make sure you’re looking at overall hours earned for the accurate total!

Plan Ahead Tool

GW has launched the Plan Ahead Tool to that when used ‘ahead of time’ helps to speed up the registration process. The tool allows you to:

  • Building up to 5 different plans of classes for your upcoming registration period;
  • Using one of the plans to directly register for all of your classes when your registration window opens. Creating a plan does not guarantee that a seat in the course will be available at the time of your registration.
To access the Plan Ahead feature, follow the instructions:
  • Log into GWeb
  • Visit the Student Records and Registration Menu
  • Click on the Registration Menu
  • Select Plan Ahead
Also, check out this how-to video to learn how to use Plan Ahead. Note: the video is not closed-captioned, view transcript.
We’ve also created a guide for adding Honors courses via Planned Ahead, which you may view below:

Waitlists

The option to add yourself to the waitlist becomes available on April 24th when general registration opens. More on waitlists here.

Hold Information

Check your record via GWeb regarding holds prior to your scheduled registration time. Any hold on your account will prevent access to registration. You can view any holds on your account by looking at: Student Records & Registration Menu > Student Records Information Menu > View Administrative Holds.

Make sure to check now and again in the days leading up to registration. Check early, and check often! More on holds here.

Upper Level Honors courses

Remember that students must be registered in the HONR section in order to receive UHP credit.

Upper Level Course Substitution

If you are planning to utilize the upper level course substitution option, please review all the information to ensure the course you are considering meets all the UHP criteria. For any questions please contact a program manager.

2023 Strasser Prize Winners Announced!

Congratulations to the winners of this year’s Strasser Writing Prize competition!  We have one first place winner, and two runners-up.

1st Place:

JaeMin Chu – “Stoic Depictions in the Works of Salvator Rosa”  Click here to read their essay! 

Runners Up:

Anna Weber – “The Cold War-Era Jazz Ambassadors Program: A State Department Success. Click here to read their essay!

Ryan Tiedemann – “The American Folk Revival and Confucianism: A Comparative Analysis”  Click here to read their essay!

Honors Student Spotlight: Lilly Swank

Lilly Swank is a graduating senior majoring in Economics. During her time at GW, she’s focused on fostering relationships in various orgs like GW Women’s Rugby, TEDxFoggyBottom, and most importantly the UHP! She loves working at the Townhouse to help plan UHP events, and the crucial job of optimizing snack options. She is passionate about helping others succeed, as a Peer Advisor to the best advisees in the world and a Teaching Assistant to the honors class “Personal Finance for the Greater Good”. After graduation, she hopes to become a financial advisor and help those in need by assisting them in improving their financial health.

Honors Student Spotlight: Anne Laurie Joseph

Anne Laurie Joseph is a graduating senior in the UHP double majoring in English and Music. Throughout her time at GW Anne has anchored her academic studies on the intersections of the arts, social justice, personal and social healing. This semester, Anne will appear as the lead in The Corcoran Program of Theatre and Dance’s production of By The Way, Meet Vera Stark (tickets) — a screwball comedy that investigates racial stereotypes on the silver screen in the 1930’s. In addition, Anne will also be directing an original musical, No Safe Place, as her UHP senior thesis project. The show is a comedic drama that takes a look into the female experience of healing and justice in the face of domestic abuse and sexual violence. More information on tickets for No Safe Place will be available soon.

Congratulations UHP SURE Award Recipients (Spring 2023)

Congratulations to the following Spring 2023 recipients of the UHP SURE Award, an individual grant of up to $1000 to support UHPers’ research activities:

Caleb Auerbach, Senior, Political Communication

Lexi Carmine, Junior, Biomedical Engineering

John Fine, Senior, Political Communication 

Sana Hafiz, Junior, Public Health

J.P. Infortuna, Senior, Political Communication 

Anne Joseph, Senior, English Literature and Music

Priscilla Pang, Junior, Neuroscience

Anuka Upadhye, Senior, International Affairs (International Environmental Studies concentration) 

Peri Wivell, Junior, Biology (Cell and Molecular Biology concentration) 

We look forward to hearing more about their research projects later this academic year through our SURE Stories series. We will be sure to keep you posted!

Sustainability Work-Study Job Opportunities!

Are you interested in a work-study position at GW that involves sustainability next school year? The Office of Sustainability recently posted several jobs on GW’s student employment website for undergrads, including:

Student Project Assistant I (Student Group Coordinator)

Student Project Assistant II (STARS Analyst)

Student Project Assistant I (Textile Reuse Interns)

Student Research Assistant I (Staff Engagement Interns)

 

There are also graduate positions available:

Student Project Assistant III (SustainableGW Fellows)

Student Project Assistant III (Zero Waste Research Assistant)

 

The position postings will close by 4/15/23.