by Arianna Davila
Colombia has a very extensive and complicated history of intra-state conflict and violence that can be traced all the way back to its founding as an independent nation in the 1800’s. Great progress has been achieved thanks to the 2016 peace agreement between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)[1] , but violence continues to take place all over the country. There are numerous factors that complicate advancing the broader agenda for peace in Colombia such as challenges to the ongoing peace process, criminal drug related activity, the influx of refugees, and most recently the consequences of a global pandemic. I believe, however, that the most urgent issue at the moment is how the Colombian government is failing to protect ex-FARC combatants and social leaders from the violent armed conflict in the country. The violence ex-FARC combatants and social leaders face is large scale, systemic and organized. This situation puts into question the government’s commitment to the peace process, and it demonstrates how the guarantees included in the 2016 peace agreement for the protection of ex-combatants and social leaders are not being met.
It is important to analyze which are the problems being faced by ex-combatants and social leaders, when did they become an issue, where are they taking place, why are these two groups of Colombian society especially vulnerable to violence, who is at fault, and how has the Colombian government responded.
What exactly is the “security problem”?
The security problems faced by ex-combatants and social leaders demonstrates that the 2016 peace agreement has changed the nature of the armed conflict in Colombia, but it has not completely halted the violence that continues to disproportionately affect vulnerable sectors of Colombian society. As part of the implementation and verification component of the 2016 peace agreement, a UN verification mission was created for Colombia. This mission was charged with verifying the reintegration of former combatants and the security guarantees included in the peace agreement for both ex-combatants and social leaders.[2] The UN mission as the entity tasked with verifying aspects of security during the ongoing peace process has issued several warnings about the violence against former combatants, social leaders and human right defenders. Carlos Ruiz Massieu, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the UN Verification Mission in Colombia, expressed to the Security Council that he considered the “attacks against community leaders, human rights defenders, former combatants and women — along with the COVID-19 pandemic that is exacerbating them — the gravest threats now facing Colombia’s five-year-old peace process”.[3] The security of ex-combatants and social leaders is crucial to protect what has been accomplished so far by the peace agreement, to move forward and create a positive long-lasting peace in Colombia.
When did this situation become an issue?
The data on the number of ex-FARC combatants and social leaders that have been attacked differs from source to source. The figures observed display the overall insecurity trends of ex-combatants and social leaders, but they don’t tell the whole story. Attacks on social leaders and ex-combatants are often under reported and under investigated, this complicates the collection of accurate information. A report by the Colombian Observatory for Organized Crime and the University of Rosario, indicates that 238 ex-FARC combatants have been murdered since the peace agreement was finalized in 2016. The highest figures were reported during 2019, when 79 ex-combatants were murdered. Up until October 31st 2020, 56 former combatants have been killed which indicates a change in the overall trend.[4] The change in the overall trend could be a consequence of changing dynamics caused by the global pandemic.
In the case of ex-combatants, the number of killings decreased during 2020; for social leaders and human rights defenders the number of killings has continued to increase. The Institute for Development and Peace Studies (INDEPAZ), along with several other human rights organizations has compiled various reports on the aggressions against social leaders and human rights defenders in Colombia. Since 2016, INDEPAZ reports that over 1,057 social leaders and human rights defenders have been killed in Colombia. These numbers have been increasing annually from 2016-2018. In 2019 there was a decrease in the trend. In 2019, 253 killings were recorded.[5] Up until December 2020, 293 killings have been recorded which shows an increase from 2019.[6] For social leaders the global pandemic and the safety measures that were put in place to combat the virus have had devastating consequences. The stay-at-home orders that were implemented, confined leaders to their homes making them sitting targets for violence. Leaders who publicly advocate for the peace process and other causes, were especially vulnerable to attacks.
To combat the global pandemic, Colombia declared a nationwide lockdown in March. This lockdown would turn out to be one of the longest lockdowns in the world, lasting around 5 months. Danelly Estupiñán, a social leader and advocate for Afro-descendant communities in Colombia, has been calling attention to the threats social leaders are facing amidst the global pandemic. She stated how “enemies are still killing us and it’s not difficult for them during the pandemic because we are all at home, complying with the mandatory quarantine.” Armed groups and criminal organizations have taken measures into their own hands, enforcing lockdowns and killing those who they believe to be violating their rules. Estupiñán also stated how she believes that “they’re accusing social leaders of not complying with the quarantine in order to divert attention from the real political motive for the killings”.[7] The “real political motives” behind these attacks are often disagreements with the peace process and those who support it, or opposition to the change that social leaders advocate for in Colombia. The global pandemic has only further complicated the issue of insecurity in Colombia. Social leaders and human rights defenders are being persecuted, vulnerable to violence from armed groups and criminal organizations.
Where is this taking place?
Analyzing where the attacks against ex-combatants and social leaders are taking place is extremely important to combat the violence faced by these groups and concentrate efforts where they are most needed. A report by the Colombian Observatory of Organized Crime and the University of Rosario has attempted to map the murders of 238 ex-FARC combatants. When analyzing the murders, they found that these were concentrated mostly in the same departments in Colombia. Among the 32 departments in Colombia the one’s with the highest murder rates were Cauca, Nariño, Antioquia, Caquetá, and Meta.[8] When analyzing where these departments are located it can be observed that the violence against ex-combatants appears to be concentrated in the western regions of Colombia.
In the case of social leaders and human rights defenders’ similar trends can be observed. A report by INDEPAZ indicates that from 2016-2020 some of the highest murder rates have been observed in Cauca, Antioquia, Nariño, Valle del Cauca, and Putumayo.[9] Attacks against social leaders and ex-FARC combatants are concentrated in the same general regions. Many of these territories that were previously under FARC control, were up for grabs after the guerilla group began their demobilization process. The people in these areas became vulnerable to attacks from the armed groups and criminal organizations fighting for territorial control. The lack of a strong state presence in these areas essentially created a power vacuum in rural Colombia. This situation can be considered one of the key causes of the security issues in the country.
The attacks against social leaders and ex-combatants in certain Colombian departments has become so violent that international organizations like the UN have called attention to the issue. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has called attention to the situation in the Cauca department of Colombia. He expressed that the situation was deeply worrying, stating that “the COVID-19 pandemic and the restrictions imposed by the Government and by communities themselves to avoid the spread of the virus seem to have aggravated an already violent and volatile situation”.[10] Monitoring the situation and providing resources to combat the problem is necessary in these departments where the violence appears to be concentrated. Advancing the broader agenda for peace in Colombia is not possible when certain regions in the country continue to be disproportionately affected by armed conflict.
Why is it affecting ex-combatants and social leaders?
It is also important to analyze why ex-combatants and social leaders are being disproportionately affected by this situation. One of the main reasons why these groups are being targeted could be territorial control. The Institute for Development and Peace Studies (INDEPAZ) reports that as much as 70.74% of the deaths of social leaders since 2016 were related to conflicts over land, territory, or natural resources.[11] Territorial control is a key issue that continues to affect rural communities in Colombia. Ex-combatants and social leaders could also be targeted because of their public support and commitment to the peace process in Colombia. While social leaders and ex-FARC combatants have demonstrated their commitment to the peace process, other non-state actors continue to benefit from the armed conflict. The illegal economies that often support these other group’s activities are threatened by the peace process. One of the initiatives of the 2016 peace agreement was to encourage farmers in rural communities to move away from coca production. InSight crime reports how in the regions where crop substitution programs are trying to be implemented the deaths of social leaders who support and advocate for these programs were particularly high.[12] Since these programs disrupt the production of cocaine, the people who support these initiatives often become targets for groups that benefit from the drug trade.
The final reason why ex-combatants and social leaders are being targeted could be the nature of the 2016 peace agreement itself. The security and protection mechanisms for ex-combatants and social leaders fall under point three of the agreement, “End of conflict”.[13] The peace agreement attempts to put an end to an armed conflict between multiple state and nonstate actors through an agreement where only two parties are represented. FARC dissident groups, paramilitary groups, other guerillas, and criminal organizations are not currently part of the peace process in Colombia. While the 2016 agreement has definitely improved the situation, there is still an incomplete peace in the country. Those who actually support the agreement are now vulnerable to attacks from the other actors that have not been integrated into the peace process.
Who is at fault?
Determining who are the perpetrators of the attacks against ex-combatants and social leaders is difficult because these attacks are often under reported and under investigated. The most common suspects are guerilla groups, FARC dissidents, paramilitary groups, and criminal organizations. A report produced by the Colombian Observatory of Organized Crime and the University of Rosario, claims that the Attorney General’s office has identified FARC dissident groups, the Gulf Clan, the National Liberation Army, the Popular Liberation Army, and the paramilitary group the “Caparrapos” as some of the greatest security threats to ex-combatants.[14] While there is no data this specific on the attacks against social leaders and human rights defenders, INDEPAZ reports that the alleged perpetrators of most attacks from 2016-2020 were dissidents from guerillas groups or paramilitary organizations, the National Liberation Army, the Popular Liberation Army, and state forces.[15] There is a need for further investigations into the violence against ex-combatants and social leaders. The perpetrators of these crimes need to be held accountable, if not these sorts of attacks will continue.
How has the Colombian government responded?
The response from the Colombian government has received criticism from former combatants, human rights advocates, and international organizations. The Head of UN Verification Mission in Colombia has expressed his concern over the situation, calling for “improved protection mechanisms and for increased efforts to fight the impunity for the murders of ex-combatants.”[16] Former combatants and social leaders have been very vocal with their concerns over what they consider to be an inadequate response from the Colombian government.
Former FARC combatants have recently taken to the streets to make their security concerns heard by the government and the people of Colombia. On November 6 former combatants culminated their “pilgrimage for life and peace” in the capital city of Bogota, where they met with President Ivan Duque. The main takeaways from the meeting were the need for a security analysis of the situation and a continued commitment to the implementation of the security and protection guarantees included in the peace agreement. The spokesperson for ex-FARC combatants, Diana Viloria, stated that the meeting was an “important first step for the strengthening of measures.”[17] Both the UN and former combatants have now called for the Colombian government to improve their measures to combat this security problem. The peaceful demonstration led by the former combatants and the meeting with the Colombian government appears to be a step in the right direction.
Social leaders in Colombia have also taken to the streets to make their concerns heard by the Colombian government, but they have not received the same response as ex-combatants. More than 7,000 advocates for indigenous communities, Afro-descendant people, peasants, students and women traveled to Bogota asking to meet with President Duque. The various organizations that participated in the peaceful manifestation denounced the violence against social leaders, demanding a response from the government on the situation. President Duque, however, has not agreed to meet with them.[18] The concerns of social leaders need to be heard; dialogue is a key component for the resolution of this issue. The Colombian government has a responsibility to protect all of its citizens, regardless of whether they support the current administration or not. At the moment the Colombian government is failing to protect social leaders, denying them a meeting does not demonstrate the “commitment” that the government often expresses towards the pursuit of peace in Colombia.
Suggestions to Address the Issue Going Forward
To address the issue, I believe that all parties involved should first come to an agreement on what exactly is the nature of the situation. The Colombian government has been treating the insecurity problem as isolated events caused by the presence of other non-state actors. While ex-FARC combatants and social leaders believe they are being directly targeted, they consider the violence they face an organized, large scale, systemic issue. It is important to acknowledge the concerns that ex-combatants and social leaders continue to express. An open channel of communication between the Colombian government and these groups is necessary to move forward and tackle the problem.
Ex-combatants and social leaders have called on the Colombian government to demonstrate a commitment to the full implementation of the peace agreement. Many of the protection and security guarantees are part of this agreement. Additionally, the agreement also addresses important structural issues in Colombian society that further complicate the security problem. The implementation of the agreement has never been an easy task, with the current administration opposing it, but the global pandemic and the economic recession that Colombia currently faces has also halted the implementation of many programs. And while it is extremely important to implement what’s already included in the agreement for protection and security, maybe other measures should be considered as well. The full implementation of the peace agreement will be a long difficult process, and the protection of these vulnerable groups cannot rely on the political agendas around the agreement. The insecurity situation demands urgent attention and new solutions.
Ex-combatants and social leaders have also called to attention the lack of a strong state presence in the areas where most of the violence is taking place. I believe that the lack of a strong state presence has essentially created a power vacuum in rural Colombia. This situation is one of the key causes of the insecurity issues in the country. To address the issue, it will be necessary to not only implement short-term solutions, but to establish long-term structural reforms in the country. Measures such as the increased policing of rural communities often have adverse effects, the focus should be placed on changes that promote long-term positive peace.
This type of change does not happen overnight, the cooperation and commitment of many parties is needed for such large-scale change. A step that may be needed is the incorporation of other non-state actors into the Colombian peace process. Currently the peace agreement is between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC), but there are many other non-state actors involved in the conflict. Opening channels of communication with the National Liberation Army, the Popular Liberation Army, and paramilitary groups will be necessary as long as the Colombian government does not have a monopoly on violence in the country. The issue of state weakness, as displayed by the lack of a strong state presence and a monopoly of violence, should be further looked into to analyze the relationship between state weakness and security issues in Colombia.
[1] FARC is an acronym in Spanish for Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (English: The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia).
[2] United Nations, “About,” UN Verification Mission in Colombia, September 26, 2017.
https://colombia.unmissions.org/en/about
[3] United Nations, Security Council, Increased Attacks against Community Leaders, Human Rights Defenders Pose Gravest Threat to Colombia Peace Process, Special Representative Warns Security Council. (SC/14252, July 14,
[4] Charles, Baysal, Forero, A Criminal Peace: Mapping the Murders of Ex-FARC Combatants. (Documento OCCO. The Colombian Observatory of Organized Crime Working Paper Series Number 2, Bogotá: Universidad del Rosario, 2020), 13.
[5] INDEPAZ, Cumbre Agraria and Marcha Patriótica, Informe Especial Sobre Agresiones a Personas Defensoras de los Derechos Humanos y de los Acuerdos De Paz.6 (Bogotá: Colombia, 2020), 8-17.
[6] INDEPAZ, “Líderes Sociales Y Defensores De Derechos Humanos Asesinados En 2020”, Accessed December 19, 2020 from http://www.indepaz.org.co/lideres/.
[7] Estupiñán, Danelly, “Colombia's Social Leaders Are Still Being Killed during the Quarantine.” Amnesty International, June 22, 2020.
[8] Charles, Baysal and Forero, A Criminal Peace, 13. INDEPAZ, Cumbre Agraria and Marcha Patriótica, Informe Especial, 11.
[9] INDEPAZ, Cumbre Agraria and Marcha Patriótica, Informe Especial , 11.
[10] Rupert Colville, Press briefing note on Colombia / right defenders killing. (Geneva: Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2020).
[11] INDEPAZ, Cumbre Agraria and Marcha Patriótica, Informe Especial, 13.
[12] Chaparro, Maria Paula, and Felipe Puerta, “A Death Foretold: Colombia's Crop Substitution Program.” InSight Crime, April 1, 2019. https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/a-death-foretold-colombias-crop-substitution-program
[13] Office of the High Commissioner for Peace, El Acuerdo Final de Paz: La Oportunidad para Construir Paz (Bogotá: Colombia, n.d), 16-19.
[14] Charles, Baysal, Forero, A Criminal Peace, 6.
[15] INDEPAZ, Cumbre Agraria and Marcha Patriótica, Informe Especial, 17.
[16] United Nations Security Council, Increased Attacks against Community Leaders, SC/14252.
[17] Camacho, Carlos, “Seguridad y Tierras, Los Acuerdos Entre Gobierno y Farc.” El Tiempo, November 7, 2020. https://www.eltiempo.com/politica/proceso-de-paz/gobierno-duque-y-exfarc-acuerdan-acelerar-proceso-de-reincorp oracion-547463.
[18] BBC, “Indigenous Colombians Rally in Bogotá over Killings.” BBC News Latin America. BBC, October 20, 2020. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-54598875.
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