by Jesse Nimons
The Colombian people are some of the strongest in the world. Their lives have been plagued with violence, corruption, and economic uncertainty for the last five decades. While the focus is pointed solely towards the conflict between the government and various militias, many groups have been pushed to the sidelines. The largest of which is the massive internally displaced people population. An internally displaced person, or IDP, is a person who has to flee their home but does not cross any borders; they are a refuge in their own country. There are twice as many IDPs as there are refugees worldwide. Because they remain in their home country, they are often out of the jurisdiction of humanitarian aid helpers and not protected by the same human rights safeguards that refugees are[i]. Colombia has the second largest population of IDPs in the world, just behind Syria. It is estimated that six million people in Colombia, 15% of the entire population, are categorized as an internally displaced person. Unfortunately, Colombian IDPs do not have the privilege of staying in massive refugee camps, as seen in many other countries. Instead, they have to integrate into shanty towns with little or no help, invisible to the outside world. They lack the voice that refugees have and are almost unrecorded by the media.
The leading cause of displacement in Colombia is from armed groups. This may be purposely to erase the support system under their political opponents, grow illegal crops on their land, or it can be a byproduct of two groups fighting. All make the area unsafe to live in. Sometimes, displacement is caused by the Colombian military trying to win back areas but make them unsafe in the process. In the wake of these conflicts, towns are destroyed and harm is threatened to the residents if they ever come back. Armed groups, such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), operate where the government presence is scarce; thus, most IDPs come from rural areas. While FARC signed a peace treaty with the government in 2016, other armed groups have started to seize the places they used to control, along with previously "safe" areas, beginning the cycle again. This is a serious issue that has a part in many of Colombia's most significant problems and is a massive humanitarian crisis. I believe that the Colombian government should increase its focus on the IDP population as it is the best issue for them to take on at this time.
The IDP population is plagued with a much higher rate of distrust, mental illness, and substance abuse issues than the general population. One of the reasons this humanitarian crisis is not mainstream in the media is the extreme distrust instilled in the IDP population. One researcher, Mateja Celestina, spent ten months studying the effects of forced displacement on the Colombian people and realized she was getting "half-truths'' and many inconsistencies between people's stories. She had to ask herself, "is it feasible to establish 'complete' trust in conflict and post-conflict environments''[ii]. When it comes to getting accurate findings, trust is an indispensable part of research, and research that is not accurate cannot be used. Why is the IDP population so distrustful, even to those genuinely trying to help them? The answer lies in the fact that these people are always "on guard.” Their past experiences with extortion, conflict, violence, and ongoing threats have made them acutely aware of their vulnerabilities. There is too much at stake for them if they misplace their trust. "Their vulnerabilities extended from the risk of loss of life, getting emotionally upset, exacerbation of community relations, to the potential influence on assistance flows.''[iii] IDPs have been living in conflict for generations, creating a culture of silence and distrust in turn. While we can tell that this is hurting their population in the long run, IDPs see it as a way of protecting themselves.
Another reason why it is difficult for researchers to get information about the displacement process is it often brings up agonizing memories that last far longer than the time the researcher is there[iv]. Displacement is not a singular event. Most IDPs have experienced repeated threats and events that are traumatic and life-threatening enough to force their displacement. Once displaced, they have to focus on survival, both physical and economic, in an unfamiliar and hostile environment. These stressors increase the risk for various mental disorders, including PTSD, depression, anxiety, and substance abuse. The World Health Organization projects that half of the IDP population has some mental health problem[v]. Generally, IDPs are 2.6 times more likely to struggle with alcoholism. In some regions of the country, that figure can be raised to 36 times more likely[vi]. While both of these findings should promote the creation of mental health interventions and policies to aid with the physiological repercussions of forced displacement from conflict, the truth is that most IDPs will never receive the aid that they need, nor will there be an international push on the Colombian government to cause them to focus on this issue.
The IDP population is the most vulnerable and poor community in all of Colombia. They need better mental health services and overall free access to healthcare, food, housing, extra protection, and assistance to apply for government aid and get an IDP status. There have been countless attempts at creating policies that would help the IDPs. Yet, most of the population remains unemployed, unable to afford housing, and lives under the poverty line.[vii] This is because the government is not putting enough of their focus on helping them. For example, in 2011, a law named "Victims Law" was proposed to support the IDPs in gaining land ownership. The government did not put it in place because there was a chance that ex-combatants could have also benefited. A law that would have helped millions of IDPs was denied because it could have helped some ex-combatants.[viii]
Another reason there is little legislation to help these people is that armed groups exploit the government's weakness and specifically target programs that help IDPs. While one strategy is exploiting the government’s corruption to shut them down before they start, it also can result in the kidnapping of doctors or massacre of human rights defenders[ix]. It is in these groups best interest to keep IDPs unstable. They get to keep their land and can use it as an opportunity to recruit the displaced in the future. This is made easier when it appears to IDPs that the government is disregarding them.
Colombia functions on a two-level healthcare system: the wealthy pay for better healthcare, and the poor have free access to public healthcare. The government boasts its universal health care policy, but the truth is basically only the upper level that exists. There is an extreme shortage of public healthcare available for those who need it, and the quality is subpar. It has been cited that IDPs face discrimination when they seek healthcare services because they are branded as economic migrants and put at the back of the line. They are at the bottom of the ladder, even being treated worse than the homeless. This has forced them to discover ways to get around this red tape. For example, young females purposely get pregnant to secure care under the Families in Action program for mothers and children. Unfortunately, these loopholes have created a whole new wave of problems in the IDP population.
In an updated and less effective "Victims Law," anyone who could show they were affected by the conflict could get "immediate humanitarian assistance and has provisions for accommodation, food, and medical and psychological services. It also includes provisions for identification documents, health, education, family reunification, funeral assistance, occupational orientation, and income generation". There were 106,833 applicants in 2011. By 2018, only 12% of those applicants had received any assistance[x]. In an effort to help (about) 6 million people, they maxed out at 12,820 people. With the extreme legal documentation requirements to apply for any type of government aid, countless IDPs don't even bother applying for help or even registering themselves as an IDP and realize that they are on their own. This is made worse because the government does not provide IDPs with any type of protection. IDPs are often monitored by the groups that displaced them to ensure that they do not speak about the events that occurred. Those who dare to speak about it are threatened or killed, even if they do not discuss the events that led to their displacement. There is fear that even if one were to get "in the system," they will cause danger to their family and community[xi]and this fear is magnified for the single women households who cannot protect themselves as well. With a lack of real government support, the problems detailed below will continue to surge.
Colombia has slowly been moving out of its traditionalist views on gender. “Women’s rights in Colombia continue to progress every year as women occupy more positions of authority and increase their influence over legislation and societal expectations”[xii] and the Pan-American Health Organization (PAHO) found that the rate of domestic violence has fallen in the country[xiii]. It is gradually becoming a safer nation for women, but internally displaced women are left out of these advancements. Females account for 48% of the IDPs in Botega, and 41% of those [xiv] women are single mothers, which already sets them back from an economic standpoint. As mentioned before, women are often discriminated against when applying for healthcare and financial aid, causing many to get pregnant for the sole purpose of getting assistance. When the only decision is between not having access to medicine and living in poverty or bearing a child they do not want and cannot care for, obviously something needs to change.
Partner Violence has also plagued the IDP population. "Previous research found that Colombian women perceived IPV (intimate partner violence) to increase after displacement."[xv] Economic instability, lack of formal protective systems, and dismantling of social support systems further contribute to the violence committed against women. The dismantling of social support systems makes it incredibly difficult to leave the relationship, as they have nowhere to go. One study found that 50% of Colombian women IDPs have endured violence from their partner, compared to 20% in the general population[xvi]. With the lack of government intervention to aid women in these situations, the message to women is that they are not a priority, and to men, their actions are okay. Additionally, due to young children being taught that partner violence is expected, it will increase the likelihood of it continuing in the future. It will stay prevalent in generations to come and will spill out of the IDP population into the communities they inhabit.
Children are also greatly affected by their IDP status. In rural areas, children are only in school for an average of 5.5 years[xvii]. When they arrive in host communities, many fail to attend school for a variety of reasons. IDP children cannot afford transportation or uniforms, cannot keep up with the curriculum, or are sometimes refused a spot in school or singled out in the classroom because of the stigma surrounding being an IDP[xviii]. Without a formal education, it will be incredibly difficult for them to have upward mobility, which may become more difficult in the future due to population growth. Under these conditions, children can't reach their full potential. This increases the rate of poverty, as most IDPs are children, but Colombia is missing out on the advancements these children could have made in the future.
The children also tend to leave school early to work so that their families can survive. Sometimes, this work may be illegal, either legal but “under the table” or involving drug cartels or paramilitary groups. The drug cartels give children drugs to curb their hunger or make them sell drugs to make money. More often than not, they end up hooked for life, especially because they cannot leave due to violent retribution[xix]. The paramilitary groups promise regular food on the table, protection for their family, and a sense of fulfillment as they are told they are doing the right thing. With the lack of education that people in poverty, especially IDPs, it is effortless to hook these children for life[xx]. With the government keeping them especially vulnerable, the IDP population is increasing the longevity of the drug cartels and paramilitary groups.
Almost all IDPs go from rural areas to cities, suburbs, and shanty, or illegal towns. This is a problem as they lack the necessary skills to find jobs other than farming. This causes a conflict because they can only accept the lowest level jobs, leading to "increased competition with local workers, suppression of wages, and increased difficulty finding employment.”[xxi] This creates resentment between IDPs and natives of the host community.
In general, when levels of economic instability and poverty rise, there tends to be an increase in crime. This is shown in Colombia as the impoverished areas typically lack government presence, protection, and aid, which not only forces people into crime but allows them to keep doing it.[xxii] Because IDPs acquire, or are perceived to acquire, more government assistance than their non-displaced neighbors, they are often the targets of these crimes, creating even more of an "us vs. them" mentality. This is dangerous because it produces an "anti-IDP" sentiment that spreads throughout the country, which will impact policymaking and funding.
With an increase in unemployment, poverty, and crime due to an IDP influx in a host community, there is no change in education and healthcare funding. One would think that with the addition of more people, there would be a proportional increase in funding as they must be able to care for everyone equally at the same level they were before in influx. Unfortunately, this is not the case. It has been found that "a 1 percent increase in IDP inflows would entail a reduction in education investment of 0.021 percent" and "no empirical evidence of an impact of IDP inflows on investment in health is found."[xxiii] The cause of overcrowding in the education system and the healthcare system reduces the grade of service. The people native to the host communities experience a decrease in living standards due to the IDP population. As more and more people become displaced, there will be an increase in host communities that will feel these effects.[xxiv]
There is no way for IDPs to relocate to wealthy communities. Inhabitants have to leave rapidly when paramilitary groups loot communities. Most IDPs have no wealth by the time they find a place to relocate. There is no affordable housing in upper class communities and they cannot set up their own shelters there, forcing them to only inhabit poorer areas, which creates an even lower socioeconomic standard as detailed in the previous paragraph. This will cause the already massive wealth gap in Colombia to grow. The poor are becoming more accustomed to lower living standards, and the companies are able to lower wages as the job market is so competitive, which increases their bottom line. There is less fertile land to grow crops on, as the paramilitary groups have taken control of these areas, which causes food prices to increase. In conjunction with this, there is a decreasing amount of safe areas to live in, causing overcrowding in and around the cities. Overcrowding causes a myriad of health problems, like respiratory disease and tuberculosis, and not to mention is detrimental during a pandemic.[xxv] The IDPs and others living in poverty do not have the funds to circumvent these circumstances. While these problems do not affect the wealthy population, they are the difference between life and death for the impoverished people. This type of wealth inequality was one of the main drivers of La Violencia. If this gap continues to grow, the conflict will never be over and may even expand as long as people continue to be displaced.
With an influx of competition in the job market, there will be a rise in the illicit economy. The illegal economy includes money earned from illegal activities and also unreported income, such as when workers are paid under the table. This is a problem not only because of the billions of dollars in taxes lost, but because unreported transactions skew the country's GDP. Having an accurate GDP is very important because the GDP numbers directly influence monetary policies. If a country has an inaccurate GDP, the policy decisions could actually harm the country.[xxvi] This is very applicable to Colombia as it has one of the highest levels of informal employment in Latin America, with 62.08% of its workforce being informally employed in 2019.[xxvii] IDPs often do not qualify for the lowest level of formal jobs because of their extreme lack of education and limited skill set. The government is pushing them into the illegal market by not focusing it’s attention on helping IDPs get education or training.
The cartels and armed paramilitary groups are seemingly the only ones helping the struggling IDP population survive, so there will always be potential recruits as long as IDPs exist. This means that by the government not doing more to help the IDPs, and letting their people live in poverty, they are hurting their own peace process. This is obviously the most direct way that IDPs' existence hurts the peace process, but the factors mentioned previously also contribute. Economically, populations with mental health issues and various addictions will always be set back. With a lack of institutions to help, these people lack trust in their government and may even feel as though it's "us vs. them." This also applies to the entire IDP population as there has been little government action towards expanding affordable healthcare, housing, food, and protection. One must keep in mind that the IDPs account for 15% of the entire Colombian population. Not only will they not have faith in the government, but they can convince their neighbors not to either. In addition to this, the effects on the host communities' people will also skew their opinion of the government, and they will simply not be as happy. Like mentioned before, there will be more crime, partner violence, unemployment, and wealth inequality. IDPs affect almost all economic and social institutions for the worse, creating more civil and political unrest.
The pandemic has also exaggerated almost every single one of these problems. IDPs are unable to quarantine as they live off the money that they make each day. A two-week quarantine would be something they could never financially recover from. For the especially poor, it could mean starvation. They also live in very densely populated areas, meaning the virus can spread incredibly quickly, especially with their lack of access to healthcare. Testing is not even an option for them. There is also a lack of clean water and proper sanitation. All of these factors create the perfect breeding ground for Covid-19 and any other sickness. With the lack of testing, it is too early to tell if the IDP population is affected disproportionately, but it is apparent that the IDP population is particularly vulnerable. Many have untreated health conditions and poor diets, which increases the risk of serious complications if they contract the virus. They also do not have the means to go to the hospital to get treatment. With the economic downturn shown across the world, many IDPs faced, or still face, unemployment.[xxviii] While the government did provide monthly stipends to the unemployed, the high transportation fees made them unattainable for IDPs and others in poverty. Any program produced by the government or humanitarian aid agencies was shut down in light of the pandemic, leaving the most vulnerable to fend for themselves.[xxix] Along with economic downturns, the pandemic increased partner violence in Colombia, which added to an already increased level found in the IDP population.[xxx] It also left children with no access to education and more vulnerable to paramilitary groups' recruitment techniques. This pandemic will have lasting economic and social consequences on the IDP population.
There are two ways of going about correcting this issue. The first one is to prevent the displacement of people in the first place. The current peace agreement with FARC is a step in the right direction, but this sort of agreement needs to be made with all paramilitary groups for meaningful change. Like mentioned before, the peace agreement with FARC created a power vacuum, allowing other paramilitary groups to acquire the land that FARC previously controlled and more. There needs to be better education and opportunities for people, so they are able to realize paramilitary groups are not fighting in their best interest. Additionally, the government needs to increase its presence across the country. Where most IDPs come from in rural areas, there is little to no government or police presence. If there was increased security in these areas, it would act as a deterrent for armed groups.
The second solution would be to reduce the effect that IDPs have on host communities and the economy as a whole. This means more infrastructure so that there is less overcrowding, formal training so there is less competition for low-level jobs, and better funding for healthcare, education, and food services. There would also need to be education on who the IDPs are, what they have been through, and why they need help in order to reduce the "us vs. them" mentality. This investment would slow the growth of the underground economy, the wealth gap, and the social divide. All of these things contribute to the increasing tension, which damages the peace process and the country's overall stability.
The simple fact that millions of people have fallen victim to their government's weakness should be enough to influence policy and gain international attention and aid. Unfortunately, in today's capitalistic world, people and governments are unwilling to help unless they get something in return. I believe that the Colombian government should focus on this issue not only because these people are in dire need of assistance but because the entire country will be a better place if they do.
[i] James M Shultz et al, “Internal Displacement in Colombia,” Disaster Health 2, no. 1, January 14, 2014, Global internal displacement.
[ii] Matej Celestina, “Between Trust and Distrust in Research with Participants in Conflict Context,”international Journal of Social Research Methodology 21, no. 3, May 2018, Trust, conflict and vulnerability.
[iii] Celestina, Trust, conflict and vulnerability.
[iv] Celestina, Trust, conflict and vulnerability.
[v] Shultz et al, The rigors of IDP existence are replete with psychological consequences.
[vi] Mariana Lagos-Gallego et al., “Alcoholism in internally displaced people of Colombia: An ecological study,” in Travel Medicine and Infectious Disease, vol. 31, Elsevier Limited., n.d., December, 15, 2020.
[vii] Juliana Andrea Barrera Ramirez and Hernan Dario Franco, “The Effect of Conflict and Displacement on the Health of Internally Displaced People: The Colombian Crisis,” University of Ottawa Journal of Medicine 6, no. 2, published 2016, accessed December 15, 2020, POLICY-MAKING.
[viii] Ramirez, Franco, POLICY-MAKING.
[ix] Ramirez, Franco, POLICY-MAKING
[x] Lucy Sherriff, “Drugs and Hunger: What Awaits Colombia's Newly Displaced Families,” The New Humanitarian, March 5, 2020.
[xi] Shultz et al., Colombian IDPs have no safe place to migrate and no safe alternatives to return.
[xii] Natasha Cornelissen, Jennifer Philipp, “4 Facts About Women's Rights in Colombia,” The Borgen Project, October 6, 2020.
[xiii] Anastasia Moloney, “Domestic Violence Rates Fall in Parts of Latin America: U.N,” Thomson Reuters Foundation, November 29, 2018.
[xiv] Shultz et al.,Special populations are disproportionately represented among IDPs.
[xv] Michelle E Hynes et al, “Exploring gender norms, agency and intimate partner violence among displaced Colombian women: A qualitative assessment,”Global Public Health 11, Acsessed December 15, 2020, abstract.
[xvi] Shultz et al, Colombian context.
[xvii] “Exclusion from Education,” Children Change Colombia, accessed December 18, 2020.
[xviii] Angela Consuelo Carrillo, “Internal displacement in Colombia: humanitarian, economic and social consequences in urban settings and current challenges”, International Review of the Red Cross 91 (875): 541. September 2009.
[xix]Sherriff.
[xx]Sherriff.
[xxi] Emilio Depetris-Chauvin and Rafael J Santos, “The Impacts of Internal Displacement Inflows on Host Communities in Colombia,” KNOMAD, August 2017.
[xxii] Eleanor Gordon, “Poverty, Crime & Conflict: Socio-Economic Inequalities & Prospects for Peace in Colombia,” Centre for Security Governance, December 4, 2015.
[xxiii] Emilio Depetris-Chauvin and Rafael J Santos.
[xxiv] Emilio Depetris-Chauvin and Rafael J Santos.
[xxv] Nyasha Weinberg, “How Can Cities Be Preemptive and Effective in Preventing Overcrowding?,” Data Smart City Solutions, Harvard, August 11, 2016.
[xxvi] Andrew Bloomenthal, “How the Underground Economy Affects GDP,” Investopedia, August 28, 2020.
[xxvii] Marina Pasquali, “Informal Employment as Percentage of Total Employment in Colombia from 2010 to 2019,” Statista, July 24, 2020.
[xxviii] “Coronavirus Crisis: Internal Displacement” Internal Displaced Monitoring Center, accessed December 18, 2020.
[xxix] Jose M Vivanco, “Colombia Should Protect Displaced People During Covid-19,” Human Rights Watch, October 28, 2020.
[xxx] Sofia Jaramillo and Catalina R Villegas, “Financial Health and Intimate Partner Violence in Colombia During COVID-19,” Innovations for Poverty Action, July 24, 2020.
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