February cases

Important cases in the last two weeks of February, including EPA regulations, social media moderation, and bump stocks.

Wednesday, February 21

The EPA’s Good Neighbor Plan is first up today in Ohio v. EPA and US Steel v. EPA. As the Congressional Research Service notes (in a report that would be very helpful to review) the Good Neighbor Provision of the Clean Air Act “requires upwind states to ensure that their emissions do not interfere with the ability of downwind states to meet federal air-quality standards.” The EPA now requires states to submit plans for how they will comply with that requirement. And as an equally helpful SCOTUSBlog preview notes, “Last February, the EPA rejected the plans submitted by 21 states that proposed no changes to their emissions plans. Instead, one month later, it published a federal plan for the states whose plans it had rejected, as well as two that had not submitted plans.” This comes in the context of a sense that several conservative members of the Court are suspicious of administrative agency powers, as was on display at the “Chevron deference” case argued last month.

Expect this argument to run very long. A total of one hour has been scheduled for primary argument, but there are four arguing counsel. After the primary argument time expires for each arguing counsel, each justice gets one more round of questioning.

Today’s second argument is on a technical procedural issue concerning the statute of limitations under the Copyright Act, in Warner Chappell Music v. Nealy. See a brief from EFF, American Libraries Association, and others.

Monday, February 26 — social media moderation

Exceedingly important cases today asking whether the state can, consistent with the First Amendment, regulate how social media companies moderate content on their platforms. Florida and Texas have each passed laws restricting social media companies, although who is protected from moderation is different. In brief, the Florida law provides that “[a] social media platform may not take any action to censor, deplatform, or shadow ban a journalistic enterprise based on the content of its publication or broadcast“ and “may not willfully deplatform” or prioritize or shadowban a candidate for public office. The Texas law more broadly prohibits “censor[ing] a user, a user’s expression, or a user’s ability to receive the expression of another person” based on “viewpoint.”

The cases have received a great deal of attention so I will mostly just recommend the SCOTUSBlog preview. My own view is that there are strong reasons to doubt whether large social media companies are being responsible in the design and implementation of their products, but upholding the specific laws at issue in these cases will only make it harder to address the encroachment of hate speech, misinformation, and conspiracy theories that are substantial threats to the people’s ability to use social media for purposes that are key to free speech and a functioning democracy. For better or worse, large social media companies are the services from which Americans rent space for their “salon.” The public needs to be able to secure a venue from a provider who is not obligated to escort in guests who wish to insist that school shootings are “hoaxes,” even if that individual makes a living as a “journalist” or if the state might consider that a “viewpoint.”

The two cases (Moody v. Netchoice and Netchoice v. Paxton) have not been consolidated for argument, so expect arguments to run 3-4 hours.

Tuesday, February 27

Two technical issues today that I would not recommend for the casual observer.

McIntosh v. U.S. asks whether a district court may enter a criminal-forfeiture order outside the time limitations set forth in Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 32.2.

Cantero v. Bank of America asks whether the National Bank Act preempts the application of state escrow-interest laws to national banks.

Wednesday, February 28 — bump stock ban and arbitration agreements

First up is an extremely important issue that is clearly summarized in the official question presented: whether a bump stock device is a “machinegun” as defined in 26 U.S.C. § 5845(b) because it is designed and intended for use in converting a rifle into a machinegun, i.e., into a weapon that fires ‘automatically more than one shot … by a single function of the trigger.'” Vox has a very useful summary of the issues in Garland v. Cargill.

The final February case involves arbitration clauses. The Court has generally (but not uniformly) favored those pushing for greater ability to enforce contracts mandating arbitration, against a variety of challenges. Sometimes it is not clear whether the specific dispute is covered by an arbitration agreement. And sometimes, a contract will provide that questions about whether a dispute is subject to arbitration should be decided by the arbitrator rather than a judge (“delegate questions of arbitrability,” in the lingo). But what happens if the parties have agreed to multiple contracts, only the earlier of which clearly sends such questions to an arbitrator? Hence the issue today in Coinbase, Inc. v. Suski: “whether, where parties enter into an arbitration agreement with a delegation clause, an arbitrator or a court should decide whether that arbitration agreement is narrowed by a later contract that is silent as to arbitration and delegation.”

Thursday, Feb. 8 — Trump office eligibility & ballot access

The Court convenes February 8 for an extraordinary Thursday session to hear arguments in Trump v. Anderson, in the specific issue of Donald Trump’s eligibility to be on the Colorado ballot for Republican candidate for the Presidency of the United States, with obvious nationwide implications concerning Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment. I normally save my independent analysis for cases that have not already received such vast public attention, but this time I want to highlight some legal issues and lines of argument that may have been drowned out in the political talk and even some of the more law-oriented coverage. (Although I’ll still mostly recommend reading those who have really done the hard work!)

I read the Trump petition and found the vast majority of the claims to be without merit. As Akhil Amar put it in previewing the analyses he fully develops later in his amicus brief:

Of course the president is an “officer” covered by Section Three. Of course a detailed congressional statute is not necessary to implement Section Three. Of course an ineligible person is ineligible unless and until amnestied. Of course a person can engage in an insurrection with words as well as deeds. Of course an insurrection can begin locally.

– Amicus Curiae Brief of Akhil Reed Amar and Vikram David Amar in Support of Neither Party

I’ll add that I’ve found the focus on a precise definition of engaging in insurrection frustrating given that the Amendment also imposes ineligibility on those who have “given aid or comfort to the enemies” of the Constitutional order.

I recommend beginning with that Amar brief, which itself begins by discussing how a pre-Civil War insurrection that parallels January 6 was on the minds of the Radical Republican drafters and makes clear that such actions were meant to be disqualifying after the Reconstruction Amendments. Those and other analyses are buttressed by another group of law scholars. And I strongly recommend a really compelling brief on the history and original intent of the 14th Amendment written by a group of historians (all of whom “are elected members of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and winners of either the Pulitzer or the Bancroft Prize or both,” and two of whom gave an NPR interview on this).

The more difficult question is whether Trump’s current ineligibility to hold office means that he is also ineligible to run for office. The Amendment uses the word “hold” and provides that Congress may vote to remove that ineligibility; presumably that vote could come even after an election. So at first blush, this appears to be Trump’s strongest argument. But as the top quote signals, Amar handily dispatches that argument, too.

Among the many good arguments on this is an important federalism overlay that I think is often missed — and it’s intriguing to see states’ rights lining up the way it does in this case. It is perfectly reasonable for Colorado to limit ballot access to persons who are eligible for that office. And moreover, our federalist system holds that it is the role of the Colorado courts “to say what the [Colorado] law is.” The Brennan Center for Justice (out of NYU Law) has a thoughtful amicus brief on this, explaining that for the US Supreme Court to override Colorado’s interpretation of that state’s election laws would be a variation on the absurdist “independent state legislature theory” that the Court soundly rejected just last summer.

Finally, do not miss the NAACP LDEF brief. It is a powerful call (grounded in strong legal analysis, as always) to preserve the Reconstruction Amendments, warning the Court not to repeat its past shameful errors of issuing decisions (notoriously but not limited to Plessy v. Fergusson) that undermined the meaning and practical enforceability of those provisions that were designed and remain necessary to preserve democracy.

Getting the most out of the arguments

Read up. Above are many more links than I usually share, but I strongly recommend at least reviewing the table of contents and introductory section of each, and reading the full arguments that interest you most. Even more than most cases these days, this case will be seen in a politicized context but understanding the fully developed legal arguments will allow you to engage with (and possibly critique) the arguments from a less-entrenched perspective.

Argument begins at 10:00 and all arguments are open to the public. Expect arguments to run until at least noon and possibly 1:00 (particularly if the Court grants a recent request for divided argument and additional time). Edit: the Court granted that motion in part. 80 minutes total time but 3 arguing counsel. When the allotted time expires, each Justice gets one more round of questioning for that lawyer (which often adds 15-30 minutes each round, times 3 lawyers).

Attend in person if you can. Lines to get into the Court have been quite reasonable so far this term, with people arriving around 6am and still getting in for somewhat high-profile cases — but surely a Trump case will be different. I’ve been guessing 3am for cases with a lot of public interest and I would try to get there as early as possible for this one. More details here.

Listen live online if in-person is impractical. The front page of supremecourt.gov has a link or see the audio page. You might also see if scotusblog is live-blogging.

Swing by if you can. If you’re in DC but a very early and full morning at the Court isn’t an option, it is worth coming by the Court to take in the atmosphere. When the session concludes, arguing counsel will come out and hold press conferences on the sidewalk in front of the plaza. There will likely be demonstrators all morning.

Or take it in when you can. Recordings, transcripts, and transcript-synchronized recordings will be available later.