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Facing the Loss of the Next Generation

GW Peace StudiesFebruary 26, 2021June 17, 2021Leave a comment

by Sophie Williams

Colombia has faced a turbulent history since its founding, characterized by conflict and civil unrest. For the last fifty years, Colombia has been fighting an armed guerrilla insurgency. In 2016 the greatest hope for an end to the most recent half century of conflict came with a peace agreement, in which FARC – the most prominent guerrilla group – agreed to put down their arms and integrate into society. However, the progress Colombia has accomplished in the past decade is being threatened by the COVID-19 Pandemic. Both the pandemic itself and the response to it, have produced conditions that could lead to the end of Colombia’s peace process. To maintain and create a lasting peace, Colombia must socialize the next generation to ensure that they adopt the norms of a peaceful society and strive to make them a part of the country’s future. However, economic hardship, the unavailability of schooling, and a focused effort to recruit children into armed groups during the pandemic, have amplified existing impediments to peace and created a new one: the inability for children to participate in a healthy and functioning form of society. Understandably, Colombia’s greatest concern has been to manage the short term ramifications of COVID-19; however, if Colombia does not prioritize the civic education and safety of the next generation, the peace process is likely to revert to a state worse than when they began the fight for peace. The pandemic has created a world that separates the youth from society, which makes them vulnerable. It is critical that communities and the government adopt a focused effort to instill the importance of the peace process in the youth and create ways to keep them connected to society in the present.

Context

Colombia has survived 50 years of continuous armed conflict within its own borders. The majority of the fighting has taken place in rural areas between guerrilla groups, such as FARC and ELN, and paramilitary or government forces. However, this is only the most recent conflict the Colombian people and government have endured. Within the last century Colombia also survived La Violencia (1948-1958) a decades long civil war that saw military coups and attempted dictatorships.[i] In 1958 the Colombian government agreed to rotate the two main political parties until 2002 – Conservative and Liberal – for the presidency, with the intention of stabilizing and strengthening Colombia. Both Conservative and Liberal presidents have attempted to end the violence through different strategies. However, administrations have often been plagued with corruption, so their endeavors were fruitless. In addition, governments were confronted by the rise to prominence of powerful guerilla forces in the 1960s. Further, in the 1970s and 1980s organized drug cartels arose out of resentment over unequal income distribution and Mexico’s crackdown on illegal drug networks. Several presidents attempted to negotiate settlements and ceasefires to end the conflicts, but they failed to create any possibility for long lasting reconciliation or peace. For decades, civilians and government officials continued to be victims of organized crime and guerrilla warfare. In 2016 a historic Peace Agreement was signed between FARC, a prominent guerrilla group, and the Colombian government, under the Santos administration. In this deal, a large proportion of FARC combatants agreed to surrender their weapons and reintegrate into mainstream society, with a representative political party in the government.

In Colombia, status within society is largely based on a person’s geographic location. There is a large economic and educational gap between people living in rural and urban areas. Many armed groups, namely FARC, have taken advantage of this gap for recruitment in rural locations. During the pandemic, this divide has been amplified as guerrilla groups and drug traffickers impose their own lockdowns in rural areas when government forces pulled out. Studies show that Colombia is suffering a 55 percent increase in political violence, since the pandemic started, and more people have been restricted to the home. In addition, the majority of Colombia’s work force relies on informal labor, which has been made nearly impossible during the lockdown restrictions, as demonstrated by the rising unemployment levels.[ii] The Registry of victims, which counts the number of children forced into armed groups, estimates that 8,798 have been victims of child recruitment since lockdown began, due to the vulnerability of children during an economic crisis and their detachment from schools and communities.

The Impact of COVID-19 on Educating the Next Generation

Educating and socializing the next generation is crucial to the stability of Colombia's society in the long run, yet the pandemic and efforts to contain it have pushed education to the background. On March 15, the government took quick action to close borders, businesses, and schools, declaring it a “national coronavirus emergency;” the only component of this declaration yet to resume activities is schools. The policy response to COVID-19 will cause long lasting problems for children’s social and educational development and well-being. The short-term impact of children not attending school is already evident, with many stating that children have fallen behind in their schooling. A lack of access to adequate schooling does not just amount to a loss of education, but also the loss of a community that fosters child development and provides a “safe harbor.” A crucial component of socialization is an environment where children interact with others outside their nuclear family and come to learn social norms and proper behavior. Further, access to teachers and other students allows children to reach out to people they trust if they are suffering from domestic problems, especially for children in remote areas. Therefore, the greatest threat to the success of the peace process in Colombia is a lack of support for the next generation.

The effects of a lack of education are already beginning to show. Save the Children, an NGO conducting case studies on the impact of Covid-19, explains that “an entire generation's education has been impacted by the Covid-19 pandemic … the impact of this will last longer than the duration of the pandemic; nearly 8 in 10 (77%) parents or caregivers responding to the survey believe that their children have learned little to nothing since school closed, and millions face never returning once they reopen.”[iii] Without a sufficient education it will be harder for the rising generation to enter professions, become financially secure, and provide for their families. Colombia could be facing a future with an increasingly stratified society, an inadequately educated middle and lower class, and a smaller centralized educated elite in the urban areas. The World Bank estimates that learning loss over time could translate into 10 trillion dollars of lost earnings for the global economy.[iv]

The lack of educational services during the pandemic will disproportionately affect poor and rural children, who would have fewer chances to continue their participation with the learning process.[v] The Colombian school system moved online to continue student’s education while lockdown persists; however, it is estimated that less than 10 percent of students in rural areas have access to a computer or stable internet access to attend school.[vi] Without in-person learning many students will face disadvantages in their capabilities and education levels in the future. Several NGOs and other foundations, including COALICO, are attempting to use radio programs and mobile phones to reach “isolated children” to provide minimal educational services.[vii] Without an education and proper childhood development, rural children especially will have difficulty finding formal employment and advancing in society.

To fully participate in society as adults, children do not just need to receive an academic education, but they also need the benefit of socialization. During times of severe economic stress, it is not sufficient to rely on the home to teach children the norms and values of their society. Children develop dispositions, habits, social skills, a sense of duty, how to act in society, and even a sense of right and wrong from school. They learn the formative skills that allow them to participate appropriately and successfully within their society, so they can become law-abiding citizens who ultimately find jobs, raise families, and contribute to the political processes of their cities and state. Without schools open, it is difficult for children to receive a civic education. Especially in rural areas children are strongly influenced by the ideology and values of the guerrilla groups that control their region. Without school providing an alternative set of norms and values, children will become increasingly susceptible to misinformation (spread by violent groups) and will not possess the skills to combat this information.

Another important role schools play in Colombia, and in every country, is that they provide students with a safe space and a support system outside of the home to protect them from violence. Several NGOs including InSight Crime, who fight for children's welfare and protection against armed groups, have emphasized the immediate and violent impact that not being able to attend school has had on children, in both rural and urban areas.[viii] In a virtual setting, students do not have the same protections they are afforded during in-person learning, including the ability to spend time out of the home and away from situations that may put them in danger. Further, many students do not have adequate technological capabilities to stay in contact with their teachers, and if they do, they cannot have the private conversation they would have in school. Many students face dangerous home situations that have only been intensified by the pandemic and additional economic burden. Many children rely on their teachers as confidants because teachers care about their students’ wellbeing. A teacher’s support is especially needed during the pandemic when social work activities have largely been suspended. Without this form of protection many children suffering from domestic violence or threats to their families are falling through the cracks.

In summary, it is paramount to the success of future peace agreements and the continuation of a functioning society that the next generation is educated, socialized, and protected. There is already evidence that many children will lose years of their education, leaving Colombia with a society more divided by wealth and geography than before the pandemic began. Further, when students are not attending school they are not effectively prepared to participate in society’s shared norms, values, and behaviors. In addition, children who live in dangerous home environments are also falling through the cracks because they do not have school to provide a safe space. Schools are the cornerstone for developing full members of society, which is required of the next generation for Colombia to have a peaceful and prosperous future.

Schools are also a critical line of defense against child recruitment because they offer children connections to others in and outside their community and a safe space to reach out for help. A researcher at Coalición contra la vinculación de niñas, niños y jóvenes al conflicto armado en Colombia (COALICO), explained that “some families ignore or legitimize the recruitment of their children out of financial desperation,” a common occurrence during desperate economic crises.[ix] As mentioned above, schools aid in protecting children from domestic violence and criminal violence by providing a support system and a physical location where they are safe. InSight Crime argues that “[they] have noticed many violent acts against children during the lockdown. From the start of the lockdown until mid-May [they] had seen 133 violent acts, which overall affected 7,142 children (recruited, displaced, injured, or killed).”[x] During the pandemic many militant groups have taken advantage of online school to recruit increasingly high numbers of children whose families are suffering from unemployment. The most common threats to a child's education are financially motivated or fear based, both of which have drastically increased by children's containment inside the home. Virtual learning has fostered an environment that separates children from society, has left many lower income or rural students incapable of attending school at all, and has sacrificed one of the country’s most promising ways to protect children from armed groups and drug traffickers.

The Impact of the Pandemic on Child Recruitment

Child recruitment is likely the most immediate threat to the next generation's involvement in and support for the peace process. The socio-economic fallout from the pandemic has provided the ideal conditions for recruiters during a resurgence of conflict and violence.[xi] Children are especially vulnerable to financial incentives and recruitment tactics when their families are struggling and they are isolated from friends and their communities. In addition, the government and other organizations that aid in stopping child recruitment have been largely suspended to observe lockdown requirements, which allows the armed groups to gain more control and territory. If the next generation largely falls to armed groups or their mentality then the future of Colombia's government, the peace process, and Colombia as a united nation itself will be at risk.

Colombia’s citizens and government have been fighting to end child recruitment for decades, but sadly it remains a lucrative business for many armed groups to gain new members and foot soldiers. The Coronavirus Pandemic and subsequent lockdown have amplified the problem.[xii] The United Nations, just before the pandemic, “denounced the trend as it reported 293 children had been forced to join armed groups in the previous year, 73 percent more than in 2017.[xiii] Although this number may seem miniscule in the larger context, it is important to remember all of the unreported cases that grow this number drastically. COALICO has estimated that recent figures show a further spike it recruitment activity and success, with 190 minors recruited up until June of this year.[xiv] This data demonstrates an additional concern: there is a direct correlation between the large scale and continued increase in the success of child recruitment and the restrictions imposed by the lockdown.

Armed groups have taken full advantage of schools’, the government’s, and NGOs’ inability to protect children during these hard times. Armed groups, both guerillas and cartels, have utilized the pandemic to impose their own “lockdown” and expand their control. The Humanitarian interviewed teachers and NGOs who explained that “some children are forced into armed gangs, but most are seduced by the prospect of regular food on the table or false promises like riches or women.”[xv] The pandemic has given armed groups a chance to impose a further fear on the Colombian people: “economic control.” Colombia’s Inspector General asserted that “during the pandemic these groups have made a big effort to show their power, not only armed but economic, and they are concerning us in the way they are recruiting.”[xvi] The increase in child recruitment has been made possible for the majority of armed groups because of the socioeconomic struggles of families, reliant on informal work, during the pandemic. Julius Castellanos, a researcher at COALICO, emphasized that armed groups have “seized” on the opportunity to co-opt or threaten these children, who are home with their parents, to provide food or money in return for “joining up.”[xvii] These practices are further reinforced if parents give their consent, which has become increasingly more common as adults grow to appreciate the security, food, and or money they receive from the criminal group that recruited their children.[xviii] The impact of these recruitment tactics are most forceful in rural or poorer neighborhoods, where families are going hungry, since they are out of work. Maria Paula Martinez, the director of Save the Children of Colombia, said “many armed groups are targeting the poorest villages to offer kids work picking coca leaves or participating in other illicit activities.”[xix] The economic hardships imposed on families during the pandemic has made child recruitment an increasingly lucrative tactic for armed groups and drug traffickers.

In addition to the financial incentives of joining an armed group, increased by shrinking economic opportunity from the pandemic, the greatest advantage recruiters now have is the change to children's social lives because it makes them more vulnerable to recruitment. An Indigenous Governor, Nora Elena Taquinas, has seen firsthand how the pandemic restrictions on activities such as “studying, sports, family, and social recreation,” have led to the increase in disappearances in their territory.[xx] Given the evidence that the pandemic has compounded the already tragic levels of child recruitment in Colombia, it is clear that the continuation of this trend will threaten the next generation’s will to fight for peace in their country.

Closing

Governments around the world are facing a rising generation that will be less educated and unequipped with the necessary understanding of social norms to participate in functioning society – Colombia is no different in this regard. However, Colombia faces a complicating concern: maintaining a fragile peace. The pandemic and subsequent lockdowns have enabled militant groups to take advantage of children because they have been left without the safety network and community provided by their schools. This is compounded by economic pressure imposed on their families due to the lockdowns and rise in violence from militant groups. Children need school to provide not only an academic education, but also a sense of community, purpose, connection to people outside their family, protection from violence, and civic education. During the Pandemic, children have been isolated from their communities and kept from acquiring the social norms they will need to become productive citizens who value peace in their country. Despite the challenges of the pandemic, it might also present an opportunity – a rare moment where opposing political parties can come together over their differences, not for reconciliation, but to cooperate towards a unified goal: the continuation of a free and peaceful Colombian society. Colombia’s leaders have saved their country from ruin before with monumental policies, for instance when they amended their constitution to alternate the presidency between the Conservative and Liberal parties. Conflict has always presented the chance for people to come together. People may be dying in hospitals instead of on the battlefield, but Colombia is still fighting a war for its future. Uniting to save the future generation is the best path to maintaining peace in the face of the COVID-19 Pandemic.

[i] “Colombia profile - Timeline,” BBC, August 8, 2018, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-19390164.

[ii] OECD, "Participation rates and unemployment rates by age and sex: Colombia", in Country tables, OECD Publishing, Paris, September 2, 2020. https://doi-org.proxygw.wrlc.org/10.1787/b3c0cd39-en.

[iii] Jess Edwards, “Protect a Generation: The impact of Covid-19 on children’s lives,” resourcecentre.savethechildren.net, Save the Children International, 2020. https://resourcecentre.savethechildren.net/node/18218/pdf/vr59-01_protect_a_generation_report_en_0.pdf.

[iv] World Bank, COVID-19 Could Lead to Permanent Loss in Learning and Trillions of Dollars in Lost Earnings (Washington, DC: World Bank, June 18, 2020), https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2020/06/18/covid-19-could-lead-to-permanent-loss-in-learning-and-trillions-of-dollars-in-lost-earnings.

[v] World Bank

[vi] Luke Taylor, “How Colombia’s armed groups are exploiting COVID-19 to recruit children,” thenewhumanatarian.org, September 10, 2020. https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2020/09/10/Colombia-conflict-armed-groups-child-recruitment.

[vii] OECD, "Participation rates and unemployment rates by age and sex: Colombia."

[viii] Lara Loaiza, “How Colombia’s Lockdown Created Ideal Conditions for Child Recruitment,” InSight Crime, August 28, 2020, https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/colombia-lockdown-child-recruitment/#.

[ix] Lara Loaiza, “How Colombia’s Lockdown Created Ideal Conditions for Child Recruitment.”

[x] Lara Loaiza, “How Colombia’s Lockdown Created Ideal Conditions for Child Recruitment.”

[xi] Luke Taylor, “How Colombia’s armed groups are exploiting COVID-19 to recruit children.”

[xii] Mauricio Galindo Caballero, “Si situación de salud se estabiliza, Colombia lideraría la región: FMI,” ElTiempo.com, April 17, 2020. https://www.eltiempo.com/economia/sectores/coronavirus-hoy-en-vivo-asi-ve-el-fmi-a-colombia-en-medio-de-pandemia-485494.

[xiii] Mauricio Galindo Caballero, “Si situación de salud se estabiliza, Colombia lideraría la región: FMI.”

[xiv] Luke Taylor, “How Colombia’s armed groups are exploiting COVID-19 to recruit children.”

[xv] Luke Taylor, “How Colombia’s armed groups are exploiting COVID-19 to recruit children.”

[xvi] Luke Taylor, “How Colombia’s armed groups are exploiting COVID-19 to recruit children.”

[xvii] Amnesty International. “COLOMBIA: WHY DO THEY WANT TO KILL US?: LACK OF SAFE SPACE TO DEFEND HUMAN RIGHTS IN COLOMBIA.” Amnesty International Publications. October 8, 2020. https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/amr23/3009/2020/en/.

[xviii] Lara Loaiza, “How Colombia’s Lockdown Created Ideal Conditions for Child Recruitment.”

[xix] Luke Taylor, “How Colombia’s armed groups are exploiting COVID-19 to recruit children.”

[xx] Luke Taylor, “How Colombia’s armed groups are exploiting COVID-19 to recruit children.”

Bibliography

Amnesty International. “COLOMBIA: COMMUNITIES IN BOJAYÁ, CHOCÓ (WESTERN COLOMBIA) THREATENED BY ARMED GROUPS.” Amnesty International Publications, January 3, 2020. https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/amr23/1634/2020/en/.

Amnesty International. “COLOMBIA: WHY DO THEY WANT TO KILL US?: LACK OF SAFE SPACE TO DEFEND HUMAN RIGHTS IN COLOMBIA.”Amnesty International Publications. October 8, 2020. https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/amr23/3009/2020/en/.

Benitez, Diego. “Measuring Collective Impact: Creating a Framework for Assessing Multiple Peacebuilding Projects in Colombia.” United States INstitute of Peace. United States Institute of Peace, July 30, 2020. https://www.usip.org/publications/2020/07/measuring-collective-impact-creating-framework-assessing-multiple.

Caballero, Mauricio Galindo. “Si situación de salud se estabiliza, Colombia lideraría la región: FMI.” ElTiempo.com. April 17, 2020. https://www.eltiempo.com/economia/sectores/coronavirus-hoy-en-vivo-asi-ve-el-fmi-a-colombia-en-medio-de-pandemia-485494.

Edwards, Jess. “Protect a Generation: The impact of Covid-19 on children’s lives.” resourcecentre.savethechildren.net. Save the Children International. 2020. https://resourcecentre.savethechildren.net/node/18218/pdf/vr59-01_protect_a_generation_report_en_0.pdf.

Loaiza, Lara. “Armed Groups in Colombia Target Children Amid Pandemic.” InSight Crime. June 22, 2020. https://www.insightcrime.org/news/brief/coronavirus-recruitment-minors-colombia/.

Loaiza, Lara. “How Colombia’s Lockdown Created Ideal Conditions for Child Recruitment.” InSight Crime. August 28, 2020. https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/colombia-lockdown-child-recruitment/#.

Navarrete, Maria A. “Microtrafficking Getting Worse in Outskirts of Bogotá, Colombia.” InSight Crime. Novemeber 14, 2019. https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/widespread-microtrafficking-bogota-colombia/.

OECD (2020), Education at a Glance 2020: OECD Indicators, OECD Publishing, Paris, September 8, 2020. https://doi-org.proxygw.wrlc.org/10.1787/69096873-en.

OECD (2020), "Participation rates and unemployment rates by age and sex: Colombia", in Country tables, OECD Publishing, Paris, September 2, 2020. https://doi-org.proxygw.wrlc.org/10.1787/b3c0cd39-en.

Taylor, Luke. “How Colombia’s armed groups are exploiting COVID-19 to recruit children.” thenewhumanatarian.org. September 10, 2020. https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2020/09/10/Colombia-conflict-armed-groups-child-recruitment.

“Unos 400 mil universitarios tendrán descuento de 100 % en matrículas.” ElTiempo.com. August 11, 2020. https://www.eltiempo.com/politica/gobierno/coronavirus-11-de-agosto-estudiantes-de-universidades-publican-tendran-matricula-gratuita-528252.

World Bank. COVID-19 Could Lead to Permanent Loss in Learning and Trillions of Dollars in Lost Earnings. Washington, DC: World Bank, June 18, 2020. https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2020/06/18/covid-19-could-lead-to-permanent-loss-in-learning-and-trillions-of-dollars-in-lost-earnings.

The Decline of Positive Peace Building in Colombia

GW Peace StudiesFebruary 26, 2021June 17, 2021Leave a comment

Zara Escobar

The concept of ‘negative peace’, which is the theoretical understanding of peace that has historically dominated international affairs and political legislation, is the absence of large-scale conflict or war. Recently, however, a more comprehensive conceptualization of peace, called ‘positive’ peace, has gained prevalence in governmental discourse and policy. In contrast to negative peace, which is defined exclusively by the lack of a violence, positive peace is predicated on the “presence of justice.”^[i] In other words, whereas negative peace can exist while issues such as poverty or gendered and racial inequities exist, so long as there is some semblance of stability, positive peace demands the transcendence of these forms of structural violence, which are understood as, in great part, the underlying causes of violence and war. From the conception of the major armed revolutionary groups, to the disputatious negotiations between the government and FARC, to the eventual deployment of projects such as the Truth Commission, questions of mitigation versus radical restructuring that differentiate positive and negative peace, have been central to Colombia’s national politics. The signing of the Colombian Final Accord in 2016 appeared to signal a major breakthrough in terms of governmental attendance to structural violences. Of the six major points laid out by the accord, several, such as comprehensive rural reform, political participation for FARC members, the development of alternative economic opportunities to illicit crop farming and trafficking, and victim reconciliation,^[ii] established the Colombian government’s commitment towards positive peace in an effort to move beyond the country's history of conflict. However, four years after the signing of the accord, Colombia has found itself not only under a more conservative administration, but also in the midst of a global pandemic that has exposed and exacerbated a litany of threats to Colombia’s advancement, bringing the already precarious peace process to a teetering edge. The greatest issue facing Colombia and its peace process as a result of the pandemic is the government’s divergence from, and consequent regression of efforts towards establishing a positive peace.

Despite the fact that the Colombian conflict dominated the nation for decades, in today’s political realm, efforts towards establishing a positive peace, which seemed to be an integral pillar of the measures laid out by the agreement, have been overshadowed by more immediate threats resulting from the global pandemic. In response to COVID-19, the government shifted its attention in ways that reaffirmed the centrality of Bogotá and other urban areas and deprioritized peripheral populations. Resources were directed towards issues such as the suffering economy, mitigating the number of cases in urban areas where ICU bed occupancy was reaching critical numbers, and maintaining a strict lockdown in major cities. On March 15th, Colombia closed all borders, non-essential businesses, schools, and national events, and declared a national emergency.^[iii] Soon after, the government instituted the longest lockdown in the world, lasting six months.^[iv] In Bogotá, the lockdown was enforced and regulated by the rotation of sector-specific lockdowns, a movement regulation program based on ID number, and a gendered system that determined what days people were permitted to leave their homes. Those who failed to comply with lockdown regulations faced fines of up to $250. Further, in response to the predicted economic contraction of 8.2%, the Colombian government launched a $31 billion stimulus package.^[v] While such measures may have been necessary to combat the spread of the virus and the collapse of hospital systems and the economy, the national government appeared to abandon, or at the very least neglect, efforts towards addressing the structural conditions of socioeconomic inequality in rural areas which not only made these populations more vulnerable to the pandemic, but also in large part fueled the conflict to begin with.

Not only did the exclusive focus on urban-centered issues emerging from COVID-19 result in the lack of a governmental presence in the most far-out regions, but it also hindered projects towards addressing poverty, lack of infrastructure, and insecurity in the most vulnerable areas. Many initiatives emerging from the Peace Accord, such as the FARC and disarmament camps that were created as safe zones to facilitate the reintegration process, as well as the National Land Agency and the Rural Development Agency which target rural reform and development, appeared promising in their initial implementation.^[vi] However, the comprehensive and constructive visions of such efforts stand in stark contrast to the economic reality of Colombia today. Presently, around 7 million Colombians are starving, with 17 million living under the poverty line. While that is currently 34% of the population, that number is expected to go up to 47-49% of the Colombian population by the end of the year. Additionally, about 14% of the population is living off of $1.90 a day.^[vii] The most impoverished populations reside in the rural areas most ravaged by the Colombian conflict and continue to be the ones left behind by the government. Moreover, in the face of an unforgiving pandemic, the agriculture industry which rural farmers depend on has been hindered by the decline in commerce and dangers posed by transportation, stripping those who are on the cusp of or are already in extreme poverty, of their major source of income. ^[viii] Consequently, in the face of destitution and food insecurity, there is an uptake in not only petty crime, but also an increase in organized crime such as illegal mining, coca production, and extortion because the government has left populations without other modes of survival. This does not come as a surprise when one examines the issue through the lens of positive peace—projects that look to develop rural communities in order to break down structural economic barriers contrast sharply with superficial measures, such as the emergency stimulus implemented by the Duque administration,^[ix] which although provisionally beneficial, will not change the systemic conditions of poverty in rural communities beyond keeping people temporarily afloat.

The disappearance of governmental presence in and attention to rural territories also created a void which enabled the reassertion and strengthening of criminal groups and the illegal economy. Criminal armed groups have been behind many of the 55 massacres seen this year. Illegal armed groups have utilized massacres as a form of social control and fearmongering, for example to send messages to populations in rural, seemingly lawless areas that violate their authoritarian imposition of lockdown measures.^[x] These criminal groups are able to take advantage of the authority void that is left by the demilitarization of FARC, coupled with the governmental neglect in these territories, and expand their territorial power. Additionally, assassinations of community leaders and social leaders are rampant and only increasing amid the pandemic, with 223 social leader killings this year, many of whom were indigenous and afro-Colombian activists. These killings follow a pattern of systematic negligence by the government of the targeting of activists by dissident FARC guerrillas and right-wing paramilitaries; the government’s focus on the emergency that the pandemic poses allows them to shift the national narrative in order to obfuscate the structural violence against racial minorities and activists.^[xi]The heightened danger and regional instability, in the face of poverty and armed criminal and dissident groups, demonstrates how the government’s failure to uphold its responsibility to structural peace has redressed the tangible, albeit incremental, progress made by prior peace projects. While the government was able to demobilize the majority of FARC combatants, they seemed content to stop there, reflecting an orientation towards negative peace that is proving to only cycle in new forms of regional crime and violence.

Not only have criminal groups increased in regional power during the pandemic, but we are also seeing an uptake in child recruitment by armed groups, as well as in petty crime because rural youth have been left especially vulnerable. Approximately as many children have joined armed groups in the first half of 2020, as did in all of 2019.^[xii] This is in large part because youth in rural areas who do not have access to the same infrastructure and technology as their urban counterparts, are often unable to engage in school activities, and become especially susceptible to recruitment by armed groups. In rural areas, it is reported that less than 10% of homes have access to a computer, tablet or laptop. In some communities, teachers are being forced to resort to extreme measures, such as distributing radios to students’ homes and using them to conduct their lessons. The disparity between conditions faced by rural and urban youth is further exemplified by the fact that in rural zones, 48% of educators do not have access to the resources, nor training to be able to integrate mobile devices into their teaching, in contrast to the only 12% of urban private schools facing this challenge.^[xiii] This disparity reflects a systemic negligence of rural communities and is especially concerning in relation to the aim towards positive peace, because not only does school offer many students a space away from unsafe home environments, but the lack of access to education that rural students face poses a structural barrier to opportunities of social mobility and economic advancement, further cementing the stratification between the urban elite and rural populations.

Lastly, the government is failing to uphold its obligations to provide security to ex-combatants and other vulnerable groups who have borne the brunt of the damage by the Colombian conflict. On a socioeconomic front, not only are former combatants facing a declining economy, but they are doing so from an especially disadvantaged position: many are without the guaranteed governmental aid and economic opportunities, leaving them ostracized from general society. Further, ex-FARC members living in supposedly safe zones have become, in essence, sitting ducks, and have suffered assassinations and threats of violence, leaving many displaced due to an utter lack of governmental protections during the pandemic. According to FARC, over 200 signatories of the peace agreement have been killed since 2016, with over a total of 1,000 assassinations, 53 of which occurred just this year.^[xiv] This spike in violence and killings experienced by the vulnerable is not unique to former FARC, the assassination of indigenous community leaders and activists is rampant too. In 2020, there have been a recorded 79 assassinations of indigenous leaders in Cauca alone.^[xv] The killing of social activists, especially from the indigenous and afro-Colombian communities is not a recent anomaly, but rather a systematic pattern. Recent killings are suspected to have been committed by dissident FARC guerrillas, right-wing paramilitaries, as well as criminal groups infringing upon indigenous and afro-Colombian territories in hopes of exploiting its geographical advantages for the illicit market.^[xvi] The safety and rights of these populations have been continuously disregarded and the pandemic has magnified this neglect as the government has in large part retreated from these regions to centralize their efforts in combatting the pandemic. Because negative peace only tends to address large-scale conflicts that affect national stability, structural violence against racial minorities is consistently deprioritized, as is the reintegration of marginalized populations such as demobilized FARC members, because those forms of violence do not typically threaten the elite groups who typically occupy positions of power. This demonstrates the necessity of a governmental reorientation towards a conceptual framework of positive peace because otherwise, these marginalized populations will continue to be left behind.

Ultimately, the government’s abandonment of the most at-risk populations, in the most far-out regions, is the greatest issue facing Colombia as it seeks to move forward amidst the pandemic because it is endangering the already fraying conditions of the peace process. The socioeconomic stratification and lack of coherent national stability, resulting from the government’s failure to address the structural issues I have identified, is already undoing the progress made by projects emerging from the peace agreement. If those in most need are continuously left to fend for themselves and come to adopt the view that the government will never serve to protect them, then we may not only see ex-combatants return to arms, but we may also see a whole new wave of youth and rural Colombians join guerrilla or criminal groups. Moreover, the government’s neglect of peace projects has influenced the national orientation towards the peace process by either furthering the perception that it is no longer a pressing issue, or even by propelling the notion that the conditions of the peace process are undesirable. Negative peace, what I would consider the current administration’s mitigation efforts, both in terms of disarmament and reducing violence, is fundamentally useless when the structural inequalities that drive violence and crime pervade Colombia. The government must restore a telos of positive peace, otherwise, Colombia might suffer a sociopolitical fracturing and devolve into instability and violence that could collapse the peace agreement in its entirety.

Establishing a national orientation and concrete steps towards positive peace cannot happen overnight, nor can it be carried out by a singular institution. A fundamental issue with Colombia’s peace process in past and current efforts is that the national government is unable to fully understand and engage the existing structural violence marginalized Colombians face. Given the geographic, economic, and racial makeup of the national government—for the most part urban, wealthy, and white^[xvii]—Colombian politicians cannot fully understand the positions of rural farmers, indigenous or afro-Colombians, or other vulnerable groups such as former FARC members because they have not endured the same experiences. Negative peace may initially seem sufficient to the elite that occupy the government since as long as there is no massive national conflict, they can enjoy economic, physical, and social security within their cities; even as peripheral violence is rampant, it does not directly affect them. However, as was proven by the Colombian conflict, which was not of much concern to the urban elite until the terrorization and destruction experienced by rural communities reached major cities, peace is not sustainable unless the structural inequalities that drive conflict and violence are addressed.

Because of the existing communicative and experiential disconnect, the national government will not be able to address these originating inequalities that have fueled Colombia’s history of conflict without heeding the perspectives of the groups that experience these originating violences. In order to bridge this divide, the government must work to bring in the voices of the most vulnerable and historically marginalized populations. Dialogue to identify where Colombia stands, not just in terms of national statistics, but also with regard to how the peace process and the pandemic are affecting different populations uniquely, is a prerequisite to the delineation of any specific policy reform because it is necessary to inform government action that will actually address the root causes of conflict in Colombia. Only by re-establishing a commitment toward national and intercommunal discourse and restoring efforts towards addressing structural disparities and violence, can the government change the national orientation towards the peace process, and make the paradigmatic shift towards a positive and sustainable peace that is vital to rupture Colombia's historically cyclical violence. Whether it be the indigenous Minga that took to the capital to call for Duque to engage tribes in political dialogue,^[xviii] or former FARC combatants leading the March for Life and Peace in protest of governmental neglect of violence,^[xix] marginalized Colombians have been trying to make their voices heard. Now the government’s first step must be to choose to listen.

^[i] David Cortright, Peace: A History of Movements and Ideas, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008): 6-7, ProQuest Ebook Central.

^[ii] “State of Implementation of the Colombian Final Accord,”Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, April

2019, 2-3, especiales.presidencia.gov.co/Documents/20170620-dejacion-armas/acuerdos/acuerdo-final-ingles.pdf.

^[iii] Luke Taylor, “How Colombia’s Armed Groups Are Exploiting COVID-19 to Recruit Children,” The New

Humanitarian, September 10, 2020, https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2020/09/10/Colombia-conflict-armed-groups-child-recruitment.

^[iv] “Colombia Surpasses 1 Million COVID-19 Cases,” Aljazeera, Aljazeera Media Network, October 25, 2020,

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/10/25/colombia-surpasses-1-million-covid-19-cases.

^[v] Avery Dyer, and Sara Torres, “Argentina and Colombia, a Tale of Two Lockdowns,” Wilson Center, October 2,

2020, https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/argentina-and-colombia-tale-two-lockdowns.

^[vi] Tetra Tech ARD, Colombia Land Rural Development Program Annual Report October 2015-September 2016, US Agency for International Development, October 2019, https://www.land-links.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/USAID_Land_Tenure_LRDP_Annual_Report_Oct_2015-Sept_2016.pdf.

^[vii]Adriaan Alsema, “How Long Will 7 Million Starve before Hell Breaks Loose in Colombia?” Colombia Reports, November 3, 2020, https://colombiareports.com/how-long-will-7-million-in-colombia-starve-before-hell-breaks-loose/.

^[viii] “Effects of COVID-19 on Agribusiness in Colombia,” Agroberichten Buitenland, Ministerie van

Landbouw, Natuur en Voedselkwaliteit, May 7, 2020, https://www.agroberichtenbuitenland.nl/actueel/nieuws/2020/05/07/effects-of-covid19-on-agribusiness-in-colombia.

^[ix] The Duque administration’s US $31 billion fiscal stimulus package includes the covering of up to 40% of minimum wages for formal workers, cash transfers to vulnerable families, small business subsidies, tax breaks for small businesses, tax deferrals for companies, and loan guarantees. While this may seem significant at face value, it has only temporarily mitigated the economic effects felt by Colombian citizens, as it has not been sufficient to prevent the massive increase in poverty rates and food insecurity, primarily impacting rural populations.

“The Effect of COVID-19 on the Economic Inclusion of Venezuelans in Colombia,” Refugees International, October 28, 2020, https://www.refugeesinternational.org/reports/2020/10/26/the-effect-of-covid-19-on-the-economic-inclusion-of-venezuelans-in-colombia.

^[x] Thomas Power, “Massacres in Colombia Lay Bare Next Phase of the Conflict,” NACLA, September 18, 2020, https://nacla.org/colombia-massacres-duque.

^[xi] Joe Parkin Daniels, “‘We’re Being Massacred’: Colombia Accused of Failing to Stop Murders of Activists,” The Guardian, sec. Global development, October 8, 2020, https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/oct/08/colombia-activists-murde-amnesty-international?ref=upstract.com&curator=upstract.com&utm_source=upstract.com.

^[xii] Taylor, “How Colombia’s Armed Groups Are Exploiting COVID-19.”

^[xiii] Natalia Duque Vergara, “Menos Del 10% de Los Niños En El Campo Tienen Computador Para Recibir Clases Durante La Cuarentena,” Cerosetenta, Centro de Estudios de Periodismo de la Universidad de los Andes, April 22, 2020, https://cerosetenta.uniandes.edu.co/por-alla-no-llega-ni-dios-la-educacion-rural-en-tiempos-de-pandemia/.

^[xiv] Popayán, “Asesinan a Otro Excombatiente de Las Farc En El Cauca,” El Tiempo, October 26, 2020, https://www.eltiempo.com/colombia/cali/noticias-del-cauca-nuevo-asesinato-contra-un-excombatiente-de-las-farc-545246.

^[xv]Adriaan Alsema, “Indigenous Take Colombia’s Main Airport to Demand End to ‘Genocide,’” Colombia News Colombia Reports, October 23, 2020, https://colombiareports.com/indigenous-take-colombias-main-airport-to-demand-end-to-genocide/.

^[xvi] “An Indigenous Protest Movement Emerges in Colombia,” The New Humanitarian, October 21, 2020, https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news/2020/10/21/Colombia-conflict-Indigenous-protest.

^[xvii] Jacobo Cortes, Andrés Felipe, and Marcela Escandón Vega, Political Representation and Social Inclusion: Colombia Case Study, ed. Richard André, Americas Society and Council of the Americas, Ford Foundation, April 24, 2012, https://www.as-coa.org/sites/default/files/ColombiaFINAL.pdf.

^[xviii] Adriaan, “Indigenous Take Colombia’s Main Airport.”

^[xix] Redacción Colombia 2020, “No Se va a Repetir Exterminio de La Unión Patriótica: Gobierno Sobre Marcha de FARC,” El Espectador, November 3, 2020, https://www.elespectador.com/colombia2020/pais/no-se-va-a-repetir-exterminio-de-la-union-patriotica-gobierno-sobre-marcha-de-farc/.